服装商品链中的国际贸易与产业升级【外文翻译】.doc

1、 外文翻译 原文 International Trade and Industrial Upgrading in the Apparel Commodity Chain Material Source:Journal of International Economics,l999,48(1) Author: Gary Geref Abstract： This article uses a global commodity chains perspective to analyze the social and organizational dimensions of international

2、 trade networks. In linking international trade and industrial upgrading, this article species: the mechanisms by which organizational learning occurs in trade networks; typical trajectories from assembly to OEM and OBM export roles; and the organizational conditions that facilitate industrial upgra

3、ding moves such as the shift from assembly to full-package networks. The empirical focus is the apparel industry, with an emphasis on Asia. 1999 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved. Keywords: Global commodity chains; Industrial upgrading; OEM; OBM; Apparel Globalization has altered the competi

4、tive dynamics of nations, rms, and industries. This is most clearly seen in changing patterns of international trade, where the explosive growth of imports in developed countries indicates that the center of gravity for the production and export of many manufactures has moved to an ever expanding ar

5、ray of newly industrializing economies (NIEs) in the Third World. This shift is central to the East Asian miracle, which refers to the handful of high-performing Asian economies that have attained lofty per capita growth rates, relatively low income inequality, high educational attainment, record le

6、vels of domestic saving and investment, and booming exports from the 1960s to the mid-1990s (World Bank, 1993). Regardless of whether the growth is due to productivity gains or to capital accumulation (Krugman, 1994; Young, 1994, 1995), their economic achievement is largely attributed to the adoptio

7、n of export-oriented industrialization as the regions main development strategy. This view of international trade as the fulcrum for sustained economic growth in East Asia, while unassailable in its macroeconomic basics, nonetheless leaves a number of critical questions unanswered in terms of the mi

8、croinstitutional foundations supporting East Asian development. Why were Japan and the East Asian NIEs (South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore) so successful in exporting to distant Western markets, given the formidable spatial and cultural distances that had to be bridged? How were these East

9、 Asian nations able to sustain their high rates of export-oriented growth over three to four decades, in the face of a variety of adverse economic factors such as oil price hikes, rising wage rates, labor shortages, currency appreciations, a global recession, and spreading protectionism in their maj

10、or export markets? Under what conditions can trade-based growth become a vehicle for genuine industrial upgrading, given the frequent criticisms made of low-wage, low-skill, assembly-oriented export activities? Do Asias accomplishments in trade-led industrialization contain signicant lessons for oth

11、er regions of the world? This article will address these questions using a global commodity chains framework. A commodity chain refers to the whole range of activities involved in the design, production, and marketing of a product. A critical distinction in this approach is between buyer-driven and

12、producer-driven commodity chains. Japan in the 1950s and 1960s, the East Asian NIEs during the 1970s and 1980s, and China in the 1990s became world-class exporters primarily by mastering the dynamics of buyer-driven commodity chains, which supply a wide range of labor-intensive consumer products suc

13、h as apparel, footwear, toys, and sporting goods. The key to success in East Asias buyer-driven chains was to move from the mere assembly of imported inputs (traditionally associated with export-processing zones) to a more domestically integrated and higher value-added form of exporting known altern

14、atively as full-package supply or OEM (original equipment manufacturing) production. Subsequently, Japan and some rms in the East Asian NIEs pushed beyond the OEM export role to original brand name manufacturing (OBM) by joining their production expertise with the design and sale of their own brande

15、d merchandise in domestic and overseas markets. From a global commodity chains perspective, East Asias transition from assembly to full-package supply derives in large measure from its ability to establish close linkages with a diverse array of lead rms in buyer-driven chains. Lead rms are the prima

16、ry sources of material inputs, technology transfer, and knowledge in these organizational networks. In the apparel commodity chain, different types of lead rms use different networks and source in different parts of 1 Throughout this article, OEM production will be used as a synonymous term for rela

17、tional contracting, specication contracting, and full-package supply. the world. Retailers and marketers tend to rely on full-package sourcing networks, in which they buy ready-made apparel primarily from Asia, where manufacturers in places like Hong Kong, Taiwan and South Korea have historically sp

18、ecialized in this kind of production. As wage levels in those countries have gone up, East Asian manufacturers have tended to develop multilayered global sourcing networks where low-wage assembly can be done in other parts of Asia, Africa and Latin America, while the NIE manufacturers play a critica

19、l coordinating role in the full-package production process. Branded manufacturers, by contrast, tend to create production networks that focus on apparel assembly using imported inputs. Whereas full-package sourcing networks are generally global, production networks established by branded manufacture

20、rs are predominantly regional. US manufacturers go to Mexico and the Caribbean Basin, European Union rms look to North Africa and Eastern Europe, and Japan and the East Asian NIEs look to lower-wage regions within Asia. Industrial upgrading, from this perspective, involves organizational learning to

21、 improve the position of rms or nations in international trade networks (Geref and Tam, 1998). Participation in global commodity chains is a necessary step for industrial upgrading because it puts rms and economies on potentially dynamic learning curves. There are many obstacles, however, to moving

22、up these chains from labor-intensive activities like export-oriented assembly, to more integrated forms of manufacturing like OEM and OBM production, to the most protable and/or skill-intensive economic activities such as breakthrough innovations in new goods and services, design, marketing, and nan

23、ce. Therefore, we need to address not only why industrial upgrading occurs in global commodity chains, but also how it occurs. A commodity chains framework that attempts to link international trade and industrial upgrading must specify: the mechanisms by which organizational learning occurs in trade

24、 networks; typical trajectories among export roles; and the organizational conditions that facilitate industrial upgrading moves such as the shift from assembly to full-package networks. The economic theory of industrial upgrading is that as capital (both human and physical) becomes more abundant re

25、lative to labor and the endowments of other countries, nations develop comparative advantages in capital-and skill-intensive industries (Porter, 1990). This article will show, however, that upgrading does not occur to a random set of capital-or skill-intensive industries or activities, but rather to

26、 products that are organizationally related through the lead rms in global commodity chains. The microfoundations of this upgrading pattern involve both forward (market-ing) and backward (sourcing) linkages from production, and the kind of learning that occurs across these segments. With regard to m

27、arketing, countries that are upgrading within commodity chains have already identied the buyers for their products within the chains. The implication is that marketing outside the chain is more difcult due to search costs and the fact that foreign buyers provide access to information that assists lo

28、cal suppliers in their export and marketing efforts (Rhee et al., 1984). For sourcing linkages, both technological and tacit knowledge exists about how and where to establish new export capacity for nished products. There is a clear pattern of organizational succession in buyer-driven chains, howeve

29、r, whereby foreign buyers that occupy distinct positions (or price points) in the retail sectors of their home markets source from each of the major Asian exporting nations in distinctive cycles or sequences (Geref, 1994). This succession mechanism drives the geographical expansion of global sourcin

30、g networks, as buyers for less expensive goods are pushed into lower-cost production sites, and it is also crucial for industrial upgrading because the higher price points of fashionable retailers reect more complicated products and differentiated styles. Our empirical focus in this article will be

31、the apparel industry, with an emphasis on Asia. This selection is justied on multiple grounds. Apparel is one of the oldest and largest export industries in the world. Most nations produce for the international textile and apparel market (Dickerson, 1995, p. 6), making this one of the most global of

32、 all industries. Apparel is the typical starter industry for countries engaged in export-oriented industrialization, and it played the leading role in East Asias early export growth. The apparel industry is a prototypical buyer-driven commodity chain because it generates a highly aggressive pattern

33、of global sourcing through a variety of organizational channels, including giant cost-driven discount chains (Wal-Mart, Kmart, or Target), upscale branded marketers (Liz Claiborne, Tommy Hilger, Nautica), apparel specialty stores (The Limited, The Gap), and burgeoning private label programs among ma

34、ss merchandise retailers (JC Penney, Sears). Finally, apparel embodies two contrasting production systems characteristic of buyer-driven chains: the assembly and the OEM models. Whereas the assembly model is a form of industrial subcontracting in which manufacturers provide the parts for simple asse

35、mbly to garment sewing plants, the OEM model is a form of commercial subcontracting in which the buyerseller linkage between foreign merchants and domestic manufacturers allows for a greater degree of local learning about the upstream and downstream segments of the apparel chain. The organization of

36、 the paper is as follows. First, the global commodity chains framework will be outlined, with an emphasis on the structure and dynamics of buyer-driven chains. Second, the role of each of the big buyers (retailers, marketers and manufacturers) in forging global sourcing networks in the apparel commo

37、dity chain will be highlighted. Third, an industrial upgrading framework is introduced to help account for the most signicant trade shifts among global apparel exporters. The organizational basis for upgrading is associated with different kinds of buyerseller links, and distinct patterns of organiza

38、tional succession among foreign buyers in exporting nations. Fourth, from a commodity chains perspective, industrial upgrading is associated with the process of building, extending, coordinating and completing integrated production and trade networks in Asia. These networks are resilient forms of so

39、cial capital that are a valuable competitive asset in the global economy. Fifth, we will assess the implications of the Asian experience for the sourcing of apparel in North America. The United States currently is importing garments from Mexico and the Caribbean Basin countries that have been assemb

40、led using US inputs. Our analysis of industrial upgrading in Asia suggests that Mexico will have to move beyond assembly production and establish a full-package or OEM model in order to promote an integrated North American commodity chain. If full-package supply does succeed in Mexico, however, it w

41、ill utilize very different kinds of networks than those found in Asia because of inter-regional variations in the industrial and spatial organization of the apparel commodity chain. 译文 服装商品链中的国际贸易与产业升级 资料来源 :国际经济学杂志 1999,48(1) 作者： Gary Geref 摘要 : 本文杂志使用一个全球商品链的角度分析社会和组织方面的国际贸易网络。在链接中国际贸易和产业升级，这篇文章指出

42、 :机制的组织学习发生在贸易网络； OEM 和 OBM 的典型轨迹从程序集导出的角色；和移动如转移升级程序集全包网络的普通促进工业的组织的条件。实证的重点是以亚洲为重点的服装行业。 1999 Elsevier 科学有限公司保留的所有权利。 关键字：全球大宗商品链 ；产业升级； OEM； OBM；服装 全球化改变了联合国、 公司 ，行业的竞争动态。这是最明显的表现在改变其中进口发达国家的爆炸式增长表示生产和许多制造品出口重心已不断扩展数组的新兴工业化经济体 (新兴工业经济体 )在第三届世界的国际贸易的格局。这一转变是东亚奇迹，所指的是高性能的亚洲经济，取得了崇高的人均增长率、相对较低的收入不平等

43、、高学历、创纪录水平的国内储蓄和投资和年代中期（ 1993 年，世界银行）从 1960 年代蓬勃发展出口的少数核心。无论是否增长是由于生产力或资本积累 (克鲁格曼， 1994 年 ;年轻， 1994， 1995 年 )，他们的经济成就很大程度上归因于通过以出口为导向的工业化，作为该地区主要的发展战略。 以此为支点的东亚地区经济持续增长的国际贸易虽然在其宏观经济的基础是那么无懈可击，不过由于许多方面的支持东亚发展的微小制度基础的关键疑点。为什么是日本和韩国、台湾、香港和新加坡的东亚新兴出口到遥远的西方市场给予了桥接的强大的空间和文化距离如此成功？是如何能够维持率高面向出口以及过去三至四年各种不利

44、经济因素的面孔，如石油价格上涨的这些东亚国家、 不断上升的工资率、劳动力短缺、货币鉴赏、一个全球的经济衰退和传播他们的主要 出口市场的保护主义？在什么条件下可以基于贸易的增长成为一个真正的产业升级的车辆给予频繁的批评低工资低技能、 面向装配出口交流的生产力？贸易带动产业发展中的亚洲的成绩是否包含世界其他地区的经验教训吗？ 本文将解决这些问题，使用全球大宗商品链框架。商品链是指参与设计、生产和一个产品的营销活动的整个范围。在这种方法的关键区别是买方驱动和生产者驱动的商品链之间。在 50 年代和 60 年代的日本、东亚新兴工业经济体在七十年代和八十年代，期间和上世纪 90 年代的中国成为世界一流的

45、出口商，主要由掌握提供广泛的劳动密集型的消费产品 如服装、鞋类、玩具及运动货品的买方驱动的商品链的动态。东亚地区买方驱动链中成功的关键是从单纯的程序集（传统上与出口加工区关联）的进口投入的移动更国内综合和导出已知或者全包供应或 OEM(原始设备制造 )生产的更高增值的形式。随后，日本和一些在东亚新兴的 公司 超出 OEM 出口作用为加入他们生产的专门知识与设计和销售自己品牌的商品，在国内和海外市场的制造 (OBM)的原始品牌名称。 从全球大宗商品的链角度，从大会向全包供应的东亚地区过渡在很大程度源于其买方驱动链中建立密切的联系，与丰富多样的铅 公司 的能力。铅 公司 是物力的投 入、第转让技术

46、和在这些组织的网络知识的主要来源。在服装商品链中，不同类型的铅 公司在全球的 不同部分使用不同的网络和源。 零售商和营销人员往往依赖全包的采购网络，他们买现成服装主要来自亚洲，台港香港韩国等地的厂商有历史上专门生产这种。由于这些国家的工资水平了东亚制造商往往发展多层全球采购网工程凡低工资程序集可以做其他地区的亚洲、 非洲和拉丁美州时候聂制造商玩全包生产过程中的关键协调作用。品牌的厂商的就相反倾向于使用进口的投入的服装大会上创建生产网络的焦点。全包采购网络是全球普遍的而主要区域设立的品牌厂家的生产网 络。美国制造雇员再培训计划去墨西哥和加勒比流域、 欧洲联盟 公司 看北非中东欧和低工资区域内亚洲

47、的日本和东亚新兴期待。 产业升级，从这个角度来看，这涉及组织学习，以增强在国际贸易网络 公司 或联合国的地位。全球商品链的参与是产业的升级，因为它把 公司 和经济体可能动态学习曲线上的必要步骤。但是，到这些链向上移动，从劳动密集型的活动，如以出口为导向的大会更综合的形式的像，大多数有利的 OEM 和 OBM 生产制造或技术密集的经济活动，如突破性的创新技术，在新商品和服务、设计、营销，和 财政 中有很多的障碍。因此，我们需要地址不只是为 什么产业升级发生在全球大宗商品链，但还它的发生。必须指定一个试图链接国际贸易和产业升级的商品链框架：由哪个组织传统学习发生贸易网络；中的机制出口角色；之间的典

48、型轨迹和移动如转移升级程序集全包网络的普通促进工业的组织的条件。 产业升级的经济理论是随着资本（人类的和物理的） 变得更丰富，相对于劳动和其他国家的捐赠，联合国发展的比较优势资本 -和技术密集型产业 （ 1990年， Porter）。本文将展示，但是，升级不会发生的资本的随机集 -或技术密集型产业或而是要组织上通过全球大宗商品链中的铅 厂商 关联的产品的活动。 此 升级模式的 微观基础 涉及向前 (市场）和生产，从（采购）的后向联系和通过这些区段的学习这种发生。对营销，要升级内商品链的国家已经有鉴定为他们的产品链内的买家。言下之意是营销链外的是更多的困难，由于要搜索的成本和外国买家提供协助当地

49、供应商在他们的出口和销售努力的信息访问的事实。采购联系，技术和隐性知识存在有关如何以及在何处可以建立新的成品的出口能力。有一个明确的模式组织继承买方驱动链中，不过，在他们家的零售行业中占有截然不同的职位（或价格点）的外国买家，致令市场从主要的亚洲出口国家独特的周期中的每个源或序列。此继 承机制驱动器地缘扩张与全球的采购网络，便宜商品的买家推入生产成本较低的站点，也是因为较高的价位的时尚零售商反应更复杂产品的和有区别的样式的产业升级的关键。 我们在这篇文章的实证重点将是以亚洲为重点的服装行业。此选择是被证明是对的。服装是世界最古老和最大的出口产业之一。大多数国家产生国际纺织及服装市场，使之一最全球的所有行业。服装是典型的 发起者 行业从事以出口为导向的工业化国家，和它在东亚地区早期的出口增长中发挥了主导作用。服装行业是典型的买方驱动商品链，因为它生成一个非常激进的模式，通过各种渠道组织的 全球采购、 包括巨大成本驱动的折扣链高档品牌的营销服装专卖店，和发展迅速的私人标签之间大规模梅尔昌程序椎间盘零售商西尔