在新奥尔良的数字媒体与政治的灾难恢复【外文翻译】.doc

1、1 外文翻译 原文 Digital Media and the Politics of Disaster Recovery in New Orleans Material Source:Multimedia Explorations in Urban Policy and Planning Author:Jacob A.Wagner What kind of America would we have if New Orleans never existed? Certainly not one that was beloved for two centuries around the wor

2、ld for the daring of its music, the inventiveness of its culture, the epic sweep of its writers. Certainly not an America whose cities are now waking from ages-long slumber to find their night, their youth, their creative energies.(Andrei Codrescu, 2006, p. 36) 6.1 Introduction In the wake of Hurric

3、ane Katrina and the failure of the federal hurricane protection system, residents of New Orleans have struggled to rebuild their city in a context of uncertainty, contested leadership, and a highly politicized planning process. In the absence of a well-organized process, people have turned to other

4、modes of planning action to address the problems of communication and information experienced during the recovery. In this chaotic context, digital communication tools served as an indispensible medium for disaster recovery by providing a forum for the critique of planning, which reflects a signific

5、ant process of social learning and socio-political empowerment (Rocha, 1997; Friedmann, 1987). In contrast to existing research on New Orleans recovery planning that emphasizes government-led planning (Nelson, Ehrenfeucht, Olshansky, Johnson, Horne, Lauria Friedmann, 2003; Collins Klosterman, 2008;

6、Krieger, 2004; Campbell, 1996; Batty, 2001; Craglia, 2004), participation and the right to the city (Campbell Sandercock, 2000; Lefebvre, 1996), and the structural context for urban planning in the Network Society (Castells, 1996, 1997). In New Orleans, grassroots innovation stands in stark contrast

7、 to the processes sponsored by elected officials and government agencies. Unofficial planning processes have often been a form of advocacy planning in response to the official processes (Culley Rocha, 1997) have developed in New Orleans in which digital media use enhanced the development of planning

8、 knowledge and action. Neighborhood and nonprofit organizations, artists, activists, independent journalists, university faculty and students, and local advocacy planners have employed digital media to bridge new geographic and information divides between returned and 3 displaced residents of New Or

9、leans, volunteers, and public officials. Digital tools have provided a flexible and adaptable means of communication, representation, and critique of planning processes, as well as a venue in which the politics of recovery were debated. While neighborhoods and nonprofit organizations mobilized throu

10、gh electronic communications, the official plans lagged behind the processes led by citizens in terms of social learning, empowerment, and the use of digital media. The official processes include the plans sponsored by elected officials or government agencies and managed by teams of private consulta

11、nts. In New Orleans this includes (inchronological order) the following: the Federal Emergency Management Agencys ESF-14 Plan, the Mayors Bring New Orleans Back Commission (BNOB), the City Councils New Orleans Neighborhoods Rebuilding Plan (NONRP, also known as the Lambert Plan after the lead consul

12、tant Paul Lambert), and the Unified NewOrleans Plan (UNOP) which is the main focus of this chapter. Since its rocky start in late July 2006, the UNOP process was staged as a high-stakes recovery plan that developed in a media-saturated context , which raises significant questions about the balance b

13、etween the need for documentation and publicity versus the saturation of planning by media spectacle. Despite heightened public awareness of planning and increased expectations about recovery information and communication, the UNOP plan neither emerged from civic activism nor captured public approva

14、l, despite the claims of its champions (Olshansky, 2006; Williamson, 2007; Wilson, 2008). To further complicate the process, this chapter makes the case that public officials and their consultants failed to recognize and build upon the social learning occurring outside of their official plan-making

15、efforts. While on the surface the UNOP plan appears to be the result of a process enhanced by the use of the latest digital technology, underlying aspects of the UNOP process, including its governing structure, and Community Congress II town hall meeting suggest a need to analyze how the use of digi

16、tal media impacts planning processes, the content of plans, and outcomes. Although digital media provide new opportunities for the enhancement of participatory processes, the evidence from post-Katrina New Orleans indicates that the use of digital technologies in p lanning does not necessarily resul

17、t in a more democratic process and that the use of digital media can increase rather than diminish the systematic distortion of information in planning. I find that the shortcomings of the final recovery planning process the 4 Unified New Orleans Plan (UNOP) are symptomatic of a crisis of democratic

18、 governance that has prevented a more equitable recovery from occurring. The management structure created to facilitate the UNOP process and the public meetings, including Community Congress II, are analyzed below. I argue that the UNOP plan presents a troubling case of privatized planning, planning

19、 as media spectacle, and conflict avoidance that exposes both the strengths and weaknesses of digital media use in urban planning. 6.1.1 Disaster Recovery and the Digital City Viewed from the perspective of planning theory, the flurry of planning and design activity in New Orleans represents a confl

20、uence of trends in participation, communication, and digital technology that heralds the arrival of a new era of practice in which digital media and communications are ubiquitous yet deeply political and contested. Whether or not this new era represents the triumph of the visual image in urban plann

21、ing (Neuman, 2000, p. 348) or a second revolution in the use of technology in planning (Klosterman, 2008) is less important than our understanding of the impacts that digital technology can have on democratic planning. In particular, as some have suggested (Castells, 1997), the use of digital techno

22、logy can affect the democratization of planning by leveling the playing field in terms of access to information and increasing the ability of multiple publics to participate in and shape planning decisions. At the same time, Graham (2002) finds that the use of information and communications technolo

23、gy (ICT) on a global scale is occurring in a way that maintains or increases social polarization. So, while the current planning moment in New Orleans may be new in this sense, perennial issues within planning ethics and theory are heightened rather than resolved by this emergent context for practic

24、e. These key concerns include the following:1.citizen influence and empowerment in local governance and spatial decision-making, 2. elite and expert control of planning processes versus planning based on collaborationand mutual understanding, and 3. the communicative politics of planning information

25、, including the production,use, and control of digital media, ICT, and urban data (see Bates & Green, 2007). From the perspective of Digital City scholarship, Batty (2001) and Craglia (2004) offer a heuristic device to explore the complex and sometimes contradictory relationships between the digital

26、 and the physical city. Applying this framework to New Orleans, we can explore the complex mediations between the digital city and the physical city, digital modes of 5 representing the physical city, and how traditional practices of planning and design have been altered or expanded by digital metho

27、ds of representing and understanding the city. This matrix suggests additional questions. Are the digital modes of representing and thinking about cities simply a reinvention of traditional approaches? Have digital modes of urban representation fundamentally altered planning practice and our ways of

28、 representing the urban experience? Have digital representations of New Orleans following the catastrophe created a new understanding of the city, a new legibility of its creole urbanism (Wagner, 2008) or its planning apparatus? Finally how has the use of digital media altered the reconstruction of

29、everyday life in a city devastated by catastrophe? While New Orleans may provide an extreme case of planning under the pressure of disaster recovery, the ubiquity of digital means of understanding and representing the physical city, its people, and places suggests the significance of the New Orleans

30、 experience for urban planning practice. This case study demonstrates that rather than simply facilitating participation, citizen, and professional use of digital media in planning creates new challenges and dilemmas for practitioners who seek to develop plans and spatial policies that are equitable

31、, collaborative, and democratic (Campbell, 1996). Further, many of the digitally mediated planning scenarios suggested by Drummond and French (2008, p. 172) have already occurred in New Orleans although the realities on the ground are far more complex than those suggested by these authors.As demonst

32、rated in this chapter, the use of digital media in the official and unofficial arenas of recovery planning has complicated planning practice and theory with challenging questions and ethical dilemmas arising from the combination of online tools with more traditional planning processes (cf. Graham, 2

33、002, p. 35). 译文 在 新奥尔良的数字媒体与政治的灾难恢复 资料来源 : 多媒体在城市的政策和规划的探索 作者：杰克勃 瓦纳 6 假使新奥尔良从来没有存在过，美国将会如何？可以确定的是，那将肯定不是那个因为勇敢、创新、史记而被全世界深爱两个世纪的国家，也不会是那个正从沉睡中苏醒的国家。 (Andrei Codrescu, 2006, 36页 ) 6.1介绍 在 Katrina飓风的冲击以及政府无力的应对下，新奥尔良的居民们努力地重建他们的家园 。然而 一切都在不确定，政权不稳定之下进行 着。由 于缺乏统筹规划，人们只好用其他 的方式来解决沟通和信息方面的问题。在混乱的时局下，数字通

34、讯工具起到了一个至关重要的作用。它提供了一个批判政治无能，疏于规划的平台，充分地体现了社会学系和社会政治的互相牵制 (Rocha， 1997； Friedmann， 1987)。 现有关于新奥尔良的重建计划都强调了政府在此过程中的领导地位 (Nelson， Ehrenfeucht， & Laska， 2007， Olshansky， Johnson， Horne， & Nee， 2008)， 然而与 此不同，我发现在新奥尔良经历中起到决定作用的是重建的能动性 以及市民进行的非官方的规划。尤其是这个章节将要探索的数字媒体的政治功能以及他们在 Katrina 飓风过后官方和非官方规划中的作用。我将

35、着重于阐述不同规划造成的紧张局势以及应用数字媒体的不同方法。由于新奥尔良的重建计划是迄今为止数字化使用最多的计划，对其中数字工具 (见 Ritchin， 2009)的应用以及长远影响的研究将会在决定它们在如今这个数字时代，网络社会中对于城市规划的意义具有至关重要的作用。 由于新奥尔良大量的灾后计划行动，这个实例分析提供了一个研究实践在现有学术环境下的关键机会。 尤其是 这个实例 分析从以下方面考虑了新奥尔良的规划 ： 最近提出的关于实用主义的争论，社会交流行为和社会学习 (Beauregard， 2000； Lauria & Wagner， 2006； Friedmann， 2003； Col

36、lins & Ison， 2006)， 数字媒体在规划中的应用 (Drummond & French， 2008； Klosterman， 2008；Krieger， 2004； Campbell， 1996； Batty， 2001； Craglia， 2004)，对于城市的参与和权利 (Campbell & Marshall， 2000； Sandercock， 2000； Lefebvre， 1996)，以及在现今网络时代城市规划中的结构问题 (Castells， 1996/ 1997)。 在新奥尔良，基层的创新与被选举官员及政府机构形成了鲜明的对比。在2005年秋季到 2007年春季之

37、间，大部分非官方的规划都是以支持拥护官方观点的形式出现的 (Culley & Hughey， 2008， 102页 )。尽管很多非官方规划都是由邻近机构提出的， 但 在这里要指出的是，非官方规划并非只局限于邻近规划 ，并且，市民的行动往往着重于对城市或者地区有重大影 响的事件 (Checkoway，1984)，比如自然堤、湿地生态、房屋价格。如下面我将要解释的，非官方规划是在一个高度集权的环境下展开的，集权者试图控制官方规划、公众参与和与重建工程相关的经济来源。 7 非 官方的规划包括邻近组织、地方机构、非 盈利组织和个人提出的计划。这些计划包括了中城邻近组织计划、越南玛丽皇后地方委员会、布罗

38、德漠提高协会、神圣十字会、拉菲特走廊和邻近组织计划圈运作的拥护会议。我发现重要的社会学习和赋权行动 （ Friedmann， 1996， 2003； Rocha， 1997） 已经在新奥尔良地区发 展起来了。在这个过程中 ， 数字媒体的应用加速了其中的计划与行动。邻 近组织、非盈利组织、艺术家、活动家、独立记者、教授学生以及 地方拥护计划者都使用了数字媒体为回归的 ， 失散的新奥尔良居民、志愿者、公众官员建立起了纽带 。 数字工具提供了一个灵活的通讯 、 批判以及讨论的平台。 在邻近组织和非盈利组织通过电子通讯进行的如火如荼的时候，官方计划已经在社会学习 、 赋权以及数字媒体的使用等方面远远落

39、后于公民自发的活动。 官方规划包括选举产生的官员以 及政府机构主办的或是私人顾问负责管理的计划。在新奥尔良，这些规划包括 (按时间先后顺序排列 )： 联邦紧急事务管理机构的 ESF-14计划、市长的还原新奥尔良计划、城市理事会的新奥尔良邻近重建计划和大新奥尔良 计划 这些将是本章 阐述之重点。 从 2006年七月底开始 ， 大新奥尔良计划便展现出其高风险的一面。它引发的一系列问题包括记录宣传的需求和媒体繁荣的饱和之间的平衡。尽管公众对于规划有不小的意识，对于有关复苏的信息和沟通的期望也在不断增长，大新奥尔良计划并非出现于公众活动，也没有体现公众的认可，尽管它是这么宣 称的 (Olshansky

40、， 2006； Williamson， 2007； Wilson， 2008)。更糟糕的是，公共官员以及他们的顾问并没有意识到并且去建立在那些他们官方规划之外的社会学习。 尽管大新奥尔良计划看起来是最新数字技术的结晶，但是本质上，它通过它的操纵结构和国会的议程提出了研究数字媒体对规划过程、对规划内容以及规划结果影响的必要性。尽管数字媒体为分享信息提供了新的机会，从这次Katrina后的新奥尔良看来，它并不一定能带来更加民主的过程，使用数字媒体可以增加 ， 而并非减小，规划中的信息扭曲。 我发现最终大新奥尔良复苏过程中的缺陷正表现了一个民主政权的危机， 它阻止了一场更加平等的复苏运动。以下将分析

41、为促进这场大新奥尔良计划而建立的管理结构。 我认为，大新奥尔良计划表现了一个令人忧虑的私有化的计划，同时暴露了数字媒体在城市规划应用中的优点以及缺点。 6.1.1 灾难复苏与数字化城市 从规划理论的角度看来，在新奥尔良计划设计活动中的仓促正好表现了在参与，交流和数字技术中的一个趋势 ： 数字技术将成为一种普遍存在的现象，然而它将是渗透着政治与战斗的。对于这样的一个新时代是否象征着视 觉图像8 在城市规划中的胜利（ Neuman， 2000， 348 页）或者一种在规划中运用技术的“ 二次革命 ” （ Klosterman， 2008），这点并不重要。更重要的是我们对于数字技术可以对民主规划造成

42、的影响之理解。尤其，如有人 (Castells， 1997)建议，数字技术的应用可以通过提供获取信息的途径，使得更广大的公众来参与讨论以及决策，从而影响规划的民主性。同时， Graham (2002)发现全球化的信息通讯技术的使用正在逐步地保证或者提高社会计划。 因此，尽管当前新奥尔良的规划活动从某种意义上来讲是 “ 新 ” 的，有关规 划的道德规范以及理论的大问题将被提升到了一个新的高度。 主要的问题包括如下几点 : 1.地方政府和决策过程中的公民影响和权利。 2.精英专家掌控的规划过程相比于基于合作和互相理解的规划。 3.规划信息的在社会交流中牵涉到的政治 ,包括数字媒体 ,信息通讯技术和

43、城市数据的产生，使用，以及控制 (见 Bates & Green， 2007)。 从一个数字城市学者的角度看来， Batty(2001)和 Craglia (2004)提出了一个启发式的方法来探索这个复杂的，有时候 甚至是自相矛盾的，数字城市与实际城市的关系。 把这个框架应用于新奥尔良，我们可以来探索这个数字城市与实际城市的复杂的关系，探索实际城市的数字表达，以及传统的规划设计的实践方法是如何被数字方式所改变或者扩展的。 它还引出了其他的一些问题。用数字方式去进行对城市的表示和思考只是单纯意义上的对 “ 传统 ” 方式的重塑么？用数字模式来表示城市是否从根本上改变了规划的实践行为以及我们对于城

44、市经历的表达？灾难之后的新奥尔良的数字表示是否创造了一个对于城市的新的认识 ， 对土著都市化 (Wagner， 2008)的 一种解读或者规划设备？最后，数字媒体的应用是如何改变着灾后城市中日常生活的重建？ 尽管新奥尔良，作为一个有着灾后复苏压力的城市，它本身是规划实例中的一个极端，但是日益普及的用数字去表达实际的城市、城市中的人民、城市中的建筑，这表明了新奥尔良这次经历作为城市规划实践的重大意义。这个实例分析证明与其去简单的促进参与，公民和专家们对数字媒体在规划中的使用也为努力寻求平等、合作、和民主的实践者制造了新的挑战 (Campbell， 1996)。并且 ， 很多 Drummond 和 French 建议的电子规划方案 (2008，172 页 )已经在新奥尔良实现了 尽管现实比书中的往往要复杂地多。如本章节所阐述，官方以及非官方在重建规划中，对数字媒体的应用使得规划实践以及规划理论都更为复杂了，联机工具与传统规划过程的组合引起了不少具有挑战性的问题以及道德上的困境 (cf.Graham， 2002， 35 页 )。