1、0外文翻译原文clusters and the New Economics of CompetitionMaterial Source: Harvard Business Review reprint 1998(6) Author: Michael E.Porternow that companies can source capital, goods, information, and technology from around the world, often with the click of a mouse, much of the conventional wisdom about
2、 how companies and nations compete needs to be overhauled. In theory, more open global markets and faster transportation and communication should diminish the role of location in competition. After all, anything that can be efficiently sourced from a distance through global markets and corporate net
3、works is available to any company and therefore is essentially nullified as a source of competitive advantage.But if location matters less, why, then, is it true that the odds of finding a world-class mutual-fund company in Boston are much higher than in most any other place? Why could the same be s
4、aid of textile-related companies in North Carolina and South Carolina, of high-performance auto companies in southern Germany, or of fashion shoe companies in northern Italy?Todays economic map of the world is dominated by what I call clusters: critical masses in one place of unusual competitive suc
5、cess in particular fields. Clusters are a striking feature of virtually every national, regional, state, and even metropolitan economy, especially in more economically advanced nations. Silicon Valley and Hollywood may be the worlds best-known clusters. Clusters are not unique, however; they are hig
6、hly typical and therein lies a paradox: the enduring competitive advantages in a global economy lie increasingly in local things knowledge, relationships, motivation that distant rivals cannot match.Although location remains fundamental to competition, its role today differs vastly from a generation
7、 ago. In an era when competition was driven heavily by input costs, locations with some important endowment a natural harbor, for example, or a supply of cheap labor often enjoyed a comparative advantage that was both competitively decisive and persistent over time.1Competition in todays economy is
8、far more dynamic. Companies can mitigate many input-cost disadvantages through global sourcing, rendering the old notion of comparative advantage less relevant. Instead, competitive advantage rests on making more productive use of inputs, which requires continual innovation.Untangling the paradox of
9、 location in a global economy reveals a number of key insights about how companies continually create competitive advantage. What happens inside companies is important, but clusters reveal that the immediate business environment outside companies plays a vital role as well. This role of locations ha
10、s been long overlooked, despite striking evidence that innovation and competitive success in so many fields are geographically concentrated whether its entertainment in Hollywood, finance on Wall Street, or consumer electronics in Japan.Clusters affect competitiveness within countries as well as acr
11、oss national borders. Therefore, they lead to new agendas for all business executives not just those who compete globally. More broadly, clusters represent a new way of thinking about location, challenging much of the conventional wisdom about how companies should be configured, how institutions suc
12、h as universities can contribute to competitive success, and how governments can promote economic development and prosperity.1 What Is a Cluster?Clusters are geographic concentrations of interconnected companies and institutions in a particular field. Clusters encompass an array of linked industries
13、 and other entities important to competition. They include, for example, suppliers of specialized inputs such as components, machinery, and services, and providers of specialized infrastructure. Clusters also often extend downstream to channels and customers and laterally to manufacturers of complem
14、entary products and to companies in industries related by skills, technologies, or common inputs. Finally, many clusters include governmental and other institutions such as universities, standards-setting agencies, think tanks, vocational training providers, and trade associations that provide speci
15、alized training, education, information, research, and technical support.Clusters rarely conform to standard industrial classification systems, which fail to capture many important actors and relationships in competition. Thus significant clusters may be obscured or even go unrecognized. In Massachu
16、setts, for example, more than 400 companies, representing at least 39,000 high-paying jobs, are 2involved in medical devices in some way. The cluster long remained all but invisible, however, buried within larger and overlapping industry categories such as electronic equipment and plastic products.
17、Executives in the medical devices cluster have only recently come together to work on issues that will benefit them all.Clusters promote both competition and cooperation. Rivals compete intensely to win and retain customers. Without vigorous competition, a cluster will fail. Yet there is also cooper
18、ation, much of it vertical, involving companies in related industries and local institutions. Competition can coexist with cooperation because they occur on different dimensions and among different players.Clusters represent a kind of new spatial organizational form in between arms-length markets on
19、 the one hand and hierarchies, or vertical integration, on the other. A cluster, then, is an alternative way of organizing the value chain. Compared with market transactions among dispersed and random buyers and sellers, the proximity of companies and institutions in one location and the repeated ex
20、changes among them fosters better coordination and trust. Thus clusters mitigate the problems inherent in arms-length relationships without imposing the inflexibilities of vertical integration or the management challenges of creating and maintaining formal linkages such as networks, alliances, and p
21、artnerships. A cluster of independent and informally linked companies and institutions represents a robust organizational form that offers advantages in efficiency, effectiveness, and flexibility.Clusters and Productivity. Being part of a cluster allows companies to operate more productively in sour
22、cing inputs; accessing information, technology, and needed institutions; coordinating with related companies; and measuring and motivating improvement.Better Access to Employees and Suppliers. Companies in vibrant clusters can tap into an existing pool of specialized and experienced employees, there
23、by lowering their search and transaction costs in recruiting. Because a cluster signals opportunity and reduces the risk of relocation for employees, it can also be easier to attract talented people from other locations, a decisive advantage in some industries.A well-developed cluster also provides
24、an efficient means of obtaining other important inputs. Such a cluster offers a deep and specialized supplier base. Sourcing locally instead of from distant suppliers lowers transaction costs. It minimizes the need for inventory, eliminates importing costs and delays, and because local reputation is
25、 important lowers the risk that suppliers will overprice or renege on commitments. Proximity improves communications and makes it easier 3for suppliers to provide ancillary or support services such as installation and debugging. Other things being equal, then, local outsourcing is a better solution
26、than distant outsourcing, especially for advanced and specialized inputs involving embedded technology, information, and service content.Access to Specialized Information. Extensive market, technical, and competitive information accumulates within a cluster, and members have preferred access to it.
27、In addition, personal relationships and community ties foster trust and facilitate the flow of information. These conditions make information more transferable.Complementarities. A host of linkages among cluster members results in a whole greater than the sum of its parts. In a typical tourism clust
28、er, for example, the quality of a visitors experience depends not only on the appeal of the primary attraction but also on the quality and efficiency of complementary businesses such as hotels, restaurants, shopping outlets, and transportation facilities. Because members of the cluster are mutually
29、dependent, good performance by one can boost the success of the others.Access to Institutions and Public Goods. Investments made by government or other public institutions such as public spending for specialized infrastructure or educational programs can enhance a companys productivity. The ability
30、to recruit employees trained at local programs, for example, lowers the cost of internal training. Other quasi-public goods, such as the clusters information and technology pools and its reputation, arise as natural by-products of competition.Better Motivation and Measurement. Local rivalry is highl
31、y motivating. Peer pressure amplifies competitive pressure within a cluster, even among non-competing or indirectly competing companies. Pride and the desire to look good in the local community spur executives to attempt to outdo one another.Clusters and Innovation. In addition to enhancing producti
32、vity, clusters play a vital role in a companys ongoing ability to innovate. Some of the same characteristics that enhance current productivity have an even more dramatic effect on innovation and productivity growth. Because sophisticated buyers are often part of a cluster, companies inside clusters
33、usually have a better window on the market than isolated competitors do. Computer companies based in Silicon Valley and Austin, Texas, for example, plug into customer needs and trends with a speed difficult to match by companies located elsewhere. The ongoing relationships with other entities within
34、 the cluster also help 4companies to learn early about evolving technology, component and machinery availability, service and marketing concepts, and so on. Such learning is facilitated by the ease of making site visits and frequent face-to-face contact.2 Birth, Evolution, and DeclineA clusters root
35、s can often be traced to historical circumstances. In Massachusetts, for example, several clusters had their beginnings in research done at MIT or Harvard. The Dutch transportation cluster owes much to Hollands central location within Europe, an extensive network of waterways, the efficiency of the
36、port of Rotterdam, and the skills accumulated by the Dutch through Hollands long maritime history.Clusters may also arise from unusual, sophisticated, or stringent local demand. Israels cluster in irrigation equipment and other advanced agricultural technologies reflects that nations strong desire f
37、or self-sufficiency in food together with a scarcity of water and hot, arid growing conditions. The environmental cluster in Finland emerged as a result of pollution problems created by local process industries such as metals, forestry, chemicals, and energy.Prior existence of supplier industries, r
38、elated industries, or even entire related clusters provides yet another seed for new clusters. The golf equipment cluster near San Diego, for example, has its roots in southern Californias aerospace cluster. That cluster created a pool of suppliers for castings and advanced materials as well as engi
39、neers with the requisite experience in those technologies.Once a cluster begins to form, a self-reinforcing cycle promotes its growth, especially when local institutions are supportive and local competition is vigorous. As the cluster expands, so does its influence with government and with public an
40、d private institutions.3 Implications for CompaniesIn fact, there is no such thing as a low-tech industry. There are only low-tech companies that is, companies that fail to use world-class technology and practices to enhance productivity and innovation. A vibrant cluster can help any company in any
41、industry compete in the most sophisticated ways, using the most advanced, relevant skills and technologies.Thus executives must extend their thinking beyond what goes on inside their own organizations and within their own industries. Strategy must also address what goes on outside. Extensive vertica
42、l integration may once have been appropriate, but companies today must forge close linkages with buyers, suppliers, and other 5institutions.4 Whats Wrong with Industrial PolicyProductivity, not exports or natural resources, determines the prosperity of any state or nation. Recognizing this, governme
43、nts should strive to create an environment that supports rising productivity. Sound macroeconomic policy is necessary but not sufficient. The microeconomic foundations for competition will ultimately determine productivity and competitiveness.Governments both national and local have new roles to pla
44、y. They must ensure the supply ofhigh-quality inputs such as educated citizens and physical infrastructure. They must set the rules of competition by protecting intellectual property and enforcing antitrust laws, for example so that productivity and innovation will govern success in the economy. Fin
45、ally, governments should promote cluster formation and upgrading and the buildup of public or quasi-public goods that have a significant impact on many linked businesses.This sort of role for government is a far cry from industrial policy. In industrial policy, governments target “desirable” industr
46、ies and intervene through subsidies or restrictions on investments by foreign companies, for example to favor local companies. In contrast, the aim of cluster policy is to reinforce the development of all clusters. This means that a traditional cluster such as agriculture should not be abandoned; it
47、 should be upgraded. Governments should not choose among clusters, because each one offers opportunities to improve productivity and support rising wages. Every cluster not only contributes directly to national productivity but also affects the productivity of other clusters. Not all clusters will s
48、ucceed, of course, but market forces not government decisions should determine the outcomes.5 New Public-Private ResponsibilitiesEconomic geography in an era of global competition, then, poses a paradox. In a global economy which boasts rapid transportation, high-speed communication, and accessible
49、markets one would expect location to diminish in importance. But the opposite is true. The enduring competitive advantages in a global economy are often heavily local, arising from concentrations of highly specialized skills and knowledge, institutions, rivals, related businesses, and sophisticated customers. Geographic, cultural, and institutional proximity leads to special access, closer relationships, better information, powerful incentives, and other advantages in productivity and innovation that are difficult to tap from
