1、 外文翻译 原文 Clusters and the new economics of competition (extract) Material Source: Harvard Business Review, Nov/Dec 1998 Author:Michael E.Porter Now that companies can source capital, goods, information, and technology from around the world, often with the click of a mouse, much of the conventional w
2、isdom about how companies and nations compete needs to be overhauled. In theory, more open global markets and faster transportation and communication should diminish the role of location in competition. After all, anything that can be efficiently sourced from a distance through global markets and co
3、rporate networks is available to any company and therefore is essentially nullified as a source of competitive advantage. But if location matters less, why, then, is it true that the odds of finding a world-class mutual-fund company in Boston are much higher than in most any other place? Why could t
4、he same be said of textile-related companies in North Carolina and South Carolina, of high-performance auto companies in southern Germany, or of fashion shoe companies in northern Italy? Todays economic map of the world is dominated by what I call clusters: critical masses-in one place -of unusual c
5、ompetitive success in particular fields. Clusters are a striking feature of virtually every national, regional, state, and even metropolitan economy, especially in more economically advanced nations. Silicon Valley and Hollywood may be the worlds best-known clusters. Clusters are not unique, however
6、; they are highly typical-and therein lies a paradox: the enduring competitive advantages in a global economy lie increasingly in local things -knowledge, relationships, motivation- that distant rivals cannot match. Although location remains fundamental to competition, its role today differs vastly
7、from a generation ago. In an era when competition was driven heavily by input costs, locations with some important endowment-a natural harbor, for example, or a supply of cheap labor-often enjoyed a comparative advantage that was both competitively decisive and persistent over time. Competition in t
8、odays economy is far more dynamic. Companies can mitigate many input-cost disadvantages through global sourcing, rendering the old notion of comparative advantage less relevant. Instead, competitive advantage rests on making more productive use of inputs, which requires continual innovation. Untangl
9、ing the paradox of location in a global economy reveals a number of key insights about how companies continually create competitive advantage. What happens inside companies is important, but clusters reveal that the immediate business environment outside companies plays a vital role as well. This ro
10、le of locations has been long overlooked, despite striking evidence that innovation and competitive success in so many fields are geographically concentrated-whether its entertainment in Hollywood, finance on Wall Street, or consumer electronics in Japan. Clusters affect competitiveness within count
11、ries as well as across national borders. Therefore, they lead to new agendas for all business executives not just those who compete globally. More broadly, clusters represent a new way of thinking about location, challenging much of the conventional wisdom about how companies should be configured, h
12、ow institutions such as universities can contribute to competitive success, and how governments can promote economic development and prosperity. What Is a Cluster? Clusters are geographic concentrations of interconnected companies and institutions in a particular field. Clusters encompass an array o
13、f linked industries and other entities important to competition. They include, for example, suppliers of specialized inputs such as components, machinery, and services, and providers of specialized infrastructure. Clusters also often extend downstream to channels and customers and laterally to manuf
14、acturers of complementary products and to companies in industries related by skills, technologies, or common inputs. Finally, many clusters include governmental and other institutions - such as universities, standards-setting agencies, think tanks, vocational training providers, and trade associatio
15、ns - that provide specialized training, education, information, research, and technical support. The California wine cluster is a good example. It includes 680 commercial wineries as well as several thousand independent wine grape growers. An extensive complement of industries supporting both wine m
16、aking and grape growing exists, including suppliers of grape stock, irrigation and harvesting equipment, barrels, and labels; specialized public relations and advertising firms; and numerous wine publications aimed at consumer and trade audiences. A host of local institutions is involved with wine,
17、such as the world-renowned viticulture and enology program at the University of California at Davis, the Wine Institute, and special committees of the California senate and assembly. The cluster also enjoys weaker linkages to other California clusters in agriculture, food and restaurants, and wine-c
18、ountry tourism. Consider also the Italian leather fashion cluster, which contains well-known shoe companies such as Ferragamo and Gucci as well as a host of specialized suppliers of footwear components, machinery, molds, design services, and tanned leather. It also consists of several chains of rela
19、ted industries, including those producing different types of leather goods (linked by common inputs and technologies) and different types of footwear (linked by overlapping channels and technologies). These industries employ common marketing media and compete with similar images in similar customer
20、segments. A related Italian cluster in textile fashion, including clothing, scarves, and accessories, produces complementary products that often employ common channels. The extraordinary strength of the Italian leather fashion cluster can be attributed, at least in part, to the multiple linkages and
21、 synergies that participating Italian businesses enjoy. A clusters boundaries are defined by the linkages and complementarities across industries and institutions that are most important to competition. Although clusters often fit within political boundaries, they may cross state or even national bo
22、rders. In the United States, for example, a pharmaceuticals cluster straddles New Jersey and Pennsylvania near Philadelphia. Similarly, a chemicals cluster in Germany crosses over into German-speaking Switzerland. Clusters rarely conform to standard industrial classification systems, which fail to c
23、apture many important actors and relationships in competition. Thus significant clusters may be obscured or even go unrecognized. In Massachusetts, for example, more than 400 companies, representing at least 39000 high-paying jobs, are involved in medical devices in some way. The cluster long remain
24、ed all but invisible, however, buried within larger and overlapping industry categories such as electronic equipment and plastic products. Executives in the medical devices cluster have only recently come together to work on issues that will benefit them all. Clusters promote both competition and co
25、operation. Rivals compete intensely to win and retain customers. Without vigorous competition, a cluster will fail. Yet there is also cooperation, much of it vertical, involving companies in related industries and local institutions. Competition can coexist with cooperation because they occur on dif
26、ferent dimensions and among different players. Clusters represent a kind of new spatial organizational form in between arms-length markets on the one hand and hierarchies, or vertical integration, on the other. A cluster, then, is an alternative way of organizing the value chain. Compared with marke
27、t transactions among dispersed and random buyers and sellers, the proximity of companies and institutions in one location-and the repeated exchanges among them-fosters better coordination and trust. Thus clusters mitigate the problems inherent in arms-length relationships without imposing the inflex
28、ibilities of vertical integration or the management challenges of creating and maintaining formal linkages such as networks, alliances, and partnerships. A cluster of independent and informally linked companies and institutions represents a robust organizational form that offers advantages in effici
29、ency, effectiveness, and flexibility. Why Clusters Are Critical to Competition? Modern competition depends on productivity, not on access to inputs or the scale of individual enterprises. Productivity rests on how companies compete, not on the particular fields they compete in. Companies can be high
30、ly productive in any industry-shoes, agriculture, or semiconductors-if they employ sophisticated methods, use advanced technology, and offer unique products and services. All industries can employ advanced technology; all industries can be knowledge intensive. The sophistication with which companies
31、 compete in a particular location, however, is strongly influenced by the quality of the local business environment. Companies cannot employ advanced logistical techniques, for example, without a highquality transportation infrastructure. Nor can companies effectively compete on sophisticated servic
32、e without well-educated employees. Businesses cannot operate efficiently under onerous regulatory red tape or under a court system that fails to resolve disputes quickly and fairly. Some aspects of the business environment, such as the legal system, for example, or corporate tax rates, affect all in
33、dustries. In advanced economies, however, the more decisive aspects of the business environment are often cluster specific; these constitute some of the most important microeconomic foundations for competition. Clusters affect competition in three broad ways: first, by increasing the productivity of
34、 companies based in the area; second, by driving the direction and pace of innovation, which underpins future productivity growth; and third, by stimulating the formation of new businesses, which expands and strengthens the cluster itself. A cluster allows each member to benefit as if it had greater
35、 scale or as if it had joined with others formally-without requiring it to sacrifice its flexibility. Clusters and Productivity. Being part of a cluster allows companies to operate more productively in sourcing inputs; accessing information, technology, and needed institutions; coordinating with rel
36、ated companies; and measuring and motivating improvement. Better Access to Employees and Suppliers. Companies in vibrant clusters can tap into an existing pool of specialized and experienced employees, thereby lowering their search and transaction costs in recruiting. Because a cluster signals oppor
37、tunity and reduces the risk of relocation for employees, it can also be easier to attract talented people from other locations, a decisive advantage in some industries. A well-developed cluster also provides an efficient means of obtaining other important inputs. Such a cluster offers a deep and spe
38、cialized supplier base. Sourcing locally instead of from distant suppliers lowers transaction costs. It minimizes the need for inventory, eliminates importing costs and delays, and-because local reputation is important - lowers the risk that suppliers will overprice or renege on commitments. Proximi
39、ty improves communications and makes it easier for suppliers to provide ancillary or support services such as installation and debugging. Other things being equal, then, local outsourcing is a better solution than distant outsourcing, especially for advanced and specialized inputs involving embedded
40、 technology, information, and service content. Formal alliances with distant suppliers can mitigate some of the disadvantages of distant outsourcing. But all formal alliances involve their own complex bargaining and governance problems and can inhibit a companys flexibility. The close, informal rela
41、tionships possible among companies in a cluster are often a superior arrangement. In many cases, clusters are also a better alternative to vertical integration. Compared with in-house units, outside specialists are often more cost effective and responsive, not only in component production but also i
42、n services such as training. Although extensive vertical integration may have once been the norm, a fast-changing environment can render vertical integration inefficient, ineffective, and inflexible. 译文 簇群与新竞争经济学 （节选） 资料来源 ： 哈佛商业周刊 ， 1988（ 11） 作者： 迈克尔 波特 公司既然可以得到资金、货物、信息和技术，从全世界，通常通过点点鼠标，大部分传统智慧关于如何
43、公司和国家的竞争需要被彻底重新考虑。在理论上，更开放的全球市场和更快的运输和交流应该缩小地理位置在竞争中扮演的角色。毕竟，任何东西都会是有效的资料来源，从一个遥远的地方，通过全球市场和公司的网络，任何公司都是可以利用这种资源的，并且，因此，从根本上来说，使其不再作为竞争优势的来源。 但是，如果地理 位置并不是那么重要的因素，那为什么找到一家世界级的共同基金公司的可能性在波士顿是高很多的相比较于在大部分的其他地方呢？为什么同样的说，与纺织相关的公司在北卡罗莱纳和南卡罗莱纳，有高品质的汽车公司在德国的南部，或者时尚鞋子的生产公司在意大利的北部，这些公司出现在这些地方的概率高于别的地方呢？ 当今世界
44、的经济地图被支配着，被我称为簇群，关键性的聚集在一个地方，不寻常的竞争成功在特定的领域。簇群是一个事实上显著的特征在每一个国家、地区、州和甚至是一些大都市的经济，尤其是在经济发达的国家。硅谷和好莱坞可能是世界最著 名的簇群。簇群不是唯一的，然而，他们是高典型性的并且在其中存在着一个悖论：持久性竞争优势在全球经济中，越来越多的依靠当地事物，知识、关系、动机，远方的竞争对手是无法匹敌的。 虽然地理位置仍然是竞争的根本，它在今天所扮演的角色极大的不同，相较于一代人时间以前。在一个年代里，当竞争是在很大程度上被推动，通过投入、成本、一些地方的重要捐赠，一个自然港，例如，或者是提供廉价劳动力，享受竞争优
45、势，是随着时间的有竞争力的决定性和持久性。 竞争在当代经济中是十分有活力的。公司能够缓解很多投入成本的不足点通过全球采购，致使 老旧的观念关于比较利益的相关性不大的。同时代替，竞争优势依靠市场更多的生产性的利用，关于投入，并且需要持续的创新。 整理悖论关于地理位置在全球经济中，揭示了许多关键的洞察力关于公司如何持续的创造竞争优势。在公司内部发生的事情是重要的，但是簇群显示直接的商业环境在公司外部的也同时扮演着一个重要的角色。这个角色关于地理位置已经被长久忽视了，尽管明显的证据表明创新和竞争的成功在很多领域是在地理上的集中，不管是在好莱坞的娱乐产业，华尔街的金融产业或者是日本的消费性电子产业。
46、簇群影响竞争力在国家里，同时也影响于国界 。因此，他们导致新的会议议程，关于所以的商业界得企业经理人，并不仅仅是那些全球竞争者。更广泛的说，簇群代表了一种新的思考方式关于地理位置，挑战了许多传统观念关于公司应该如何组织，如何像大学这些组织能够做出贡献对于竞争的成功，还有如何政府能够促进经济发展和繁荣。 什么是簇群？ 簇群是指在地理位置上的主要领域相连通的公司和在一个特定领域的机构。簇群包含大量的工业和其他实体竞争。他们包含，例如，供应商关于特别投入的，例如物流配套件，机器，和服务，并且提供专业的基础设施的。簇群也通常延伸到下游领域，和客人以及周边关 于生产辅助产品的生产厂家，并且对于公司来说，
47、在工业方面相关的技能、技术或者相关投入。最终，很多簇群包括政府性性质的和其他机构，例如，大学、标准化设定的机构、智囊团、职业培训的提供者和贸易联盟，那些提供专业的培训、教育、信息、研究和技术支持的。 加利福尼亚的酒产业的簇群就是一个很好的例子。它包括了 680 家商业的酿酒厂，也有几千个独立的酿酒葡萄的种植者。一个广泛的补足关于产业支撑在酒的制造和葡萄的种植之间存在，包括葡萄供应商的库存、灌溉和收获的工具、木桶和标签。专业化的公共公司和广告公司，以及大量的酒类出版物的 目标在于消费者和贸易读者、许多当地的机构与酒业有着紧密的联系，例如世界知名的葡糖栽培和酿酒计划在加利福尼亚大学位于戴维斯，就业
48、协会和加利福尼亚参议院和立法会议的特别委员。这个簇群也有较弱的联系和加利福尼亚的农业簇群、食品和餐饮簇群以及酒业旅游簇群。 在考虑意大利的时尚皮革业簇群，他包含了著名的鞋子制造公司，例如Ferragamo 和 Gucci，也包含了许多专业供应商关于鞋子部件的、机器的、模具的、设计服务提供的和褐色皮革。他也是由 几条关于相关产业的链条组成的，包括那些生产不同种类的皮革制品（通过共同投入和技术连接在一起的）和不同型号的鞋类配件（通过重叠交错的管道和技术连接的）。这些工业的使用者共同市场是在媒体和用相互接近的形象在相同的顾客群体中。一个相关的意大利簇群在时尚纺织业的，包括服装、围巾和配件，生产相辅产
49、品的供应商经常会使用共同的渠道。非凡的强度关于意大利时尚皮革簇群要归功于，只是在部分上是，意大利商业享受着多重的联系和协同增效效应。 簇群的边界由联系和互补性交叉的工业和机构，这些是最重要的竞争。尽管簇群经常配合在政治边界之 内，他们可能穿越州界甚至国界。在美国，举个例子，一个制药产业的簇群跨越了新泽西州和宾夕法尼亚州与费城相接近。类似的，一个德国的化学产业簇群也跨越并延伸到了说德语的瑞士。 簇群很少遵守标准产业分工系统，使他们失败在得到很多重要角色和关系在竞争中。这些重要的簇群可能是明显的或者甚至是无法辨别的。在马萨诸塞州，例如，超过 400 个公司，表现字至少 39000 个高薪工作，与医疗设备有关在某些方面。簇群长久存在但却是看不见的，然而，埋藏在大量和重叠的工业类别中，例如电子设备和塑料产品。主管们在医疗设备的簇群中的是最近走到一起，一起研究问题，这个对大家都好。 簇群既促进了竞争有促进了合作。敌手的竞争为了赢得和保持客户。没有有力的竞争，簇群就会失败。当然，也有合作的存在。许多关于它的是垂直的，涉及公司的是和工业和当地机构有关的。竞争能够和合作共存，因为他们发生在不同的规模和不同的人之间。 簇群代表了一种新空间的组织的形式，在一方面和层次中代表了正常常规的市场，或者垂直层次的，在另一方面
