1、 外文翻译 原文 International trade and industrial upgrading in the apparel commodity chain Material Source: Department of Sociology, Duke University, Durham, NC 27708-0088, USA Author: Gary Gereffi Globalization has altered the competitive dynamics of nations, firms, and industries. This is most clearly s
2、een in changing patterns of international trade, where the explosive growth of imports in developed countries indicates that the center of gravity for the production and export of many manufactures has moved to an ever expanding array of newly industrializing economies (NIEs) in the Third World. Thi
3、s shift is central to the East Asian miracle, which refers to the handful of high-performing Asian economies that have attained lofty per capita growth rates, relatively high educational attainment, record levels of domestic saving and investment, and booming exports from the 1960s to the mid-1990s
4、(World Bank, 1993). Regardless of whether the growth is due to productivity gains or to capital accumulation (Krugman, 1994; Young, 1994,1995), their economic achievement is largely attributed to the adoption of export-oriented industrialization as the regions main development strategy. This view of
5、 international trade as the fulcrum for sustained economic growth in East Asia, while unassailable in its macroeconomic basics, nonetheless leaves a number of critical questions unanswered in terms of the micro institutional foundations supporting East Asian development. Why were Japan and the East
6、Asian NIES (South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore) so successful in exporting to distant Western markets, given the formidable spatial and cultural distances that had to be bridged? How were these East Asian nations able to sustain their high rates of export-oriented growth over three to four
7、 decades, in the face of a variety of adverse economic factors such as oil price hikes, rising wage rates, labor shortages, currency appreciations, a global recession, and spreading protectionism in their major export markets? Under what conditions can trade based growth become a vehicle for genuine
8、 industrial upgrading, given the frequent criticisms made of low-wage, low-skill, assembly-oriented export activities? Do Asias accomplishments in trade-led industrialization contain significant lessons for other regions of the world? This article will address these questions using a global commodit
9、y chains framework. A commodity chain refers to the whole range of activities involved in the design, production, and marketing of a product. A critical distinction in this approach is between buyer-driven and producer-driven commodity chains. Japan in the 1950s and 1960s, the East Asian NIES during
10、 the 1970s and 1980s, and China in the 1990s became world-class exporters primarily by mastering the dynamics of buyer-driven commodity chains, which supply a wide range of labor-intensive consumer products such as apparel, footwear, toys, and sporting goods. The key to success in East Asias buyer-d
11、riven chains was to move from the mere assembly of imported inputs (traditionally associated with export processing zones) to a more domestically integrated and higher value-added form of exporting known alternatively as full-package supply or OEM (original1 equipment manufacturing) production. Subs
12、equently, Japan and some firms in the East Asian NIES pushed beyond the OEM export role to original brand name manufacturing (OBM) by joining their production expertise with the design and sale of their own branded merchandise in domestic and overseas markets. From a global commodity chains perspect
13、ive, East Asias transition from assembly to full-package supply derives in large measure from its ability to establish close linkages with a diverse array of lead firms in buyer-driven chains. Lead firms are the primary sources of material inputs, technology transfer, and knowledge in these organiza
14、tional networks. In the apparel commodity chain, different types of lead firms use different networks and source in different parts of the world. Retailers and marketers tend to rely on full-package sourcing networks, in which they buy ready-made apparel primarily from Asia, where manufacturers in p
15、laces like Hong Kong, Taiwan and South Korea have historically specialized in this kind of production. As wage levels in those countries have gone up, East Asian manufacturers have tended to develop multilayered global sourcing networks where low-wage assembly can be done in other parts of Asia, Afr
16、ica and Latin America, while the NIE manufacturers play a critical coordinating role in the full-package production process. Branded manufacturers, by contrast, tend to create production networks that focus on apparel assembly using imported inputs. Whereas full-package sourcing networks are general
17、ly global, production networks established by branded manufacturers are predominantly regional. US manufacturers go to Mexico and the Caribbean Basin, European Union firms look to North Africa and Eastern Europe, and Japan and the East Asian NIES look to lower-wage regions within Asia. Industrial up
18、grading, from this perspective, involves organizational learning to improve the position of firms or nations in international trade networks (Gereffi and Tam, 1998). Participation in global commodity chains is a necessary step for industrial upgrading because it puts firms and economies on potential
19、ly dynamic learning curves. There are many obstacles, however, to moving up these chains from labor-intensive activities like export-oriented assembly, to more integrated forms of manufacturing like OEM and OBM production, to the most profitable and/or skill-intensive economic activities such as bre
20、akthrough innovations in new goods and services, design, marketing, and finance. Therefore, we need to address not only why industrial upgrading occurs in global commodity chains, but also how it occurs. A commodity chains framework that attempts to link international trade and industrial upgrading
21、must specify: the mechanisms by which organizational learning occurs in trade networks; typical trajectories among export roles; and the organizational conditions that facilitate industrial upgrading moves such as the shift from assembly to full-package networks. The economic theory of industrial up
22、grading is that as capital (both human and The economic theory of industrial upgrading is that as capital (both human and physical) becomes more abundant relative to labor and the endowments of other countries, nations develop comparative advantages in capital- and skill-intensive industries (Porter
23、, 1990). This article will show, however, that upgrading does not occur to a random set of capital- or skill-intensive industries or activities, but rather to products that are organizationally related through the lead firms in global commodity chains. The micro foundations of this upgrading pattern
24、 involve both forward (marketing)and backward (sourcing) linkages from production, and the kind of learning that occurs across these segments. With regard to marketing, countries that are upgrading within commodity chains have already identified the buyers for their products within the chains. The i
25、mplication is that marketing outside the chain is more difficult due to search costs and the fact that foreign buyers provide access to information that assists local suppliers in their export and marketing efforts (Rheeet al., 1984). For sourcing linkages, both technological and tacit knowledge exi
26、sts about how and where to establish new export capacity for finished products. There is a clear pattern of organizational succession in buyer-driven chains, however, whereby foreign buyers that occupy distinct positions (or price points) in the retail sectors of their home markets source from each
27、of the major Asian exporting nations in distinctive cycles or sequences (Gereffi, 1994). This succession mechanism drives the geographical expansion of global sourcing networks, as buyers for less expensive goods are pushed into lower-cost production sites, and it is also crucial for industrial upgr
28、ading because the higher price points of fashionable retailers reflect more complicated products and differentiated styles. Our empirical focus in this article will be the apparel industry, with an emphasis on Asia. This selection is justified on multiple grounds. Apparel is one of the oldest and la
29、rgest export industries in the world. Most nations produce for the international textile and apparel market (Dickerson, 1995, p. 6), making this one of the most global of all industries. Apparel is the typical starter industry for countries engaged in export-oriented industrialization, and it played
30、 the leading role in East Asias early export growth. The apparel industry is a prototypical buyer-driven commodity chain because it generates a highly aggressive pattern of global sourcing through a variety of organizational channels, including giant cost-driven discount chains (Wal-Mart, Kmart, or
31、Target), upscale branded marketers (Liz Claiborne, Tommy Hilfiger, Nautica), apparel specialty stores (The Limited, The Gap), and burgeoning private label programs among mass merchandise retailers (JC Penney, Sears). Finally, apparel embodies two contrasting production systems characteristic of buye
32、r-driven chains: the assembly and the OEM models. Whereas the assembly model is a form of industrial subcontracting in which manufacturers provide the parts for simple assembly to garment sewing plants, the OEM model is a form of commercial subcontracting in which the buyerseller linkage between for
33、eign merchants and domestic manufacturers allows for a greater degree of local learning about the upstream and downstream segments of the apparel chain. The organization of the paper is as follows. First, the global commodity chains framework will be outlined, with an emphasis on the structure and d
34、ynamics of buyer-driven chains. Second, the role of each of the big buyers (retailers, marketers and manufacturers) in forging global sourcing networks in the apparel commodity chain will be highlighted. Third, an industrial upgrading framework is introduced to help account for the most significant
35、trade shifts among global apparel exporters. The organizational basis for upgrading is associated with different kinds of buyerseller links, and distinct patterns of organizational succession among foreign buyers in exporting nations. Fourth, from a commodity chains perspective, industrial upgrading
36、 is associated with the process of building, extending, coordinating and completing integrated production and trade networks in Asia. These networks are resilient forms of social capital that are a valuable competitive asset in the global economy. Fifth, we will assess the implications of the Asian
37、experience for the sourcing of apparel in North America. The United States currently is importing garments from Mexico and the Caribbean Basin countries that have been assembled using US inputs. Our analysis of industrial upgrading in Asia suggests that Mexico will have to move beyond assembly produ
38、ction and establish a full-package or OEM model in order to promote an integrated North American commodity chain. If full-package supply does succeed in Mexico, however, it will utilize very different kinds of networks than those found in Asia because of inter-regional variations in the industrial a
39、nd spatial organization of the apparel commodity chain. 译文 国际贸易和产业升级中的服装商品链 资料来源 : 社会学系杜克大学，北卡罗来纳州，美国 作者： Gary Gereffi 全球化已经改变了国家，企业和产业的竞争态势。这在国际贸易中是最能清楚看到的，其中发达国家进口的爆炸性增长表明，在重心点的生产和许多制成品出口中心已经转移到了扩大阵列的第三世界新兴工业化经济体。这种转变对“东亚奇迹”非常的重要，东亚奇迹是指高绩效的少数几个亚洲经济体已 达到很高的人均增长率，相对来说教育程度高，国内储蓄和投资水平都创纪录，从 60 年代到 90
40、年底中期有着蓬勃发展的出口，不论增长是由于生产力收益还是资本积累，他们的经济成就在很大程度上归功于以出口为导向作为该地区的主要发展战略。 这为经济持续增长的东亚国际贸易的支点，而在其宏观经济基本无懈可击，但却留下了在东亚发展的支持微体制基础上的一些问题没有答案的关键。为什么日本和东亚新兴工业化经济体（韩国，台湾，香港和新加坡）出口到遥远的西方市场会如此成功，由于强大的空间和文化的距离，必须予以弥合？这些东亚国家在一个不利的 经济因素的变化面前，如石油价格上涨工资率上升，劳动力短缺，货币升值，全球经济衰退，和其主要出口市场的保护主义，如何能够维持以出口导向型增长的高增长率超过三、四十年？在什么条
41、件下可以开展以增长为基础的贸易成为一个真正的产业升级工具，由于低工资，低技术，组装为主的出口活动中取得的经常批评吗？亚洲以贸易为主导的工业化成就成为世界其他地区的重要经验？ 本文将针对这些问题采用全球商品链的框架。一个商品链是指在设计，参与生产活动的整个范围，以及产品营销。这种方法的一个重要区别是买方驱动和生产者驱动的商品链。日本在 20 世 纪 50 年代和 60 年代，东亚“四小龙”在70 年代和 80 年代期间，中国在 20 世纪 90 年代成为世界级出口商主要是通过掌握买方驱动商品链的动态，其供应的劳动力密集型产品种类繁多如服装、鞋类、玩具和体育用品。对东亚的买方驱动链成功的关键是从进
42、口输入的唯一集合转向更为国内综合性和高附加值的出口称为全包供应或交替形式贴牌的生产。随后，日本和东亚“四小龙”超出了代工出口，通过参加与有关设计和在国内和在海外市场销售自己的品牌商品的生产专长，发展成为代工自有品牌。 从全球商品链的角度来看，东亚从组装过渡到全包供应 ， 很大程度上 与 其能建立龙头企业在买方驱动链多样化 有 密切联系。龙头企业是物质投入，技术转移 和 这些组织的网络知识的主要来源。在服装商品链，不同类型的龙头企业使用在世界不同地区的不同网络和来源。零售商和销售商往往依赖于全采购网络，他们在买现成的，主要来自亚洲，如香港，台湾地区和韩国厂商在这历史上这种专门生产服装包。因为这些
43、国家的工资水平也水涨船高，东亚洲制造商倾向于开发多层次的全球采购 ， 可以在亚洲，非洲和拉丁美洲的其他地方低工资组装，而 东亚 生产商发挥协调作用的关键全包的生产过程。品牌制造商，相反，往往造成服装生产网络大会上使用 进口投入的重点。而全包的全球采购网络，一般由品牌厂家建立的生产网络主要是区域性的。美国制造商前往墨西哥和加勒比海盆地，欧盟企业寻找到北非和东欧，日本和东亚新兴工业化经济体寻找工资 低亚洲 地区。 从产业升级的角度看，为了提高公司或国家在国际贸易商业网的地位，涉及到组织能力的学习。参与全球商品链是一种必要的步骤 ,因为它使公司产业升级和经济处于潜在的态学习曲线。尽管存在诸多障碍 ,
44、然而 ,劳动密集型的活动推动这条链子的延伸 ,例如从出口导向型的组装；对综合的形式的制造像 OEM 和OBM 自创品牌的产品 ,最有利可图和 /或技术密集型的经济活动 ,如在新产品和服务、设计、销售和财务方面突破创新。因此，我们不仅需要了解为什么产业升级发生在全球商品链，而且要知道它是如何发生的。我们必须详细分析一个试图与国际贸易和产业升级连接 的商品链架构：组织性学习通过某些机制发生在贸易网络，典型的轨迹在出口贸易中的作用，以及组织条件促进产业升级的发展，例如使组装转向整套网络。 产业升级的经济理论是随着资本（人类和物理）开始变为更加丰富的劳动力和其他国家的才能，国家在资本和技术密集型产业中
45、发展比较优势。然而，本文表明升级不会出现在任意的一套资本或技术密集型产业或活动中，而是通过全球商品链中处于领导地位的公司组织地叙述产品。 这种升级方式的微观基础，同时涉及远期（市场）和后退（采购）生产的联系，以及学习那种在这些领域发生的东西。关于市场营销，国家 都在商品链升级已经确定了在其产品链的买家。这意味着，外链的营销更困难，因为搜寻成本和事实，即国外采购商提供获取信息，协助其出口和本地供应商的营销努力。对于采购的联系，无论在技术和隐性知识存在如何以及在何处建立新的出口成品的能力。有一个在买方驱动链组织续图案清晰，然而，即国外采购商，占据不同的位置（或价位）在其本土市场从亚洲主要出口国中的
46、每个独特零售行业周期或序列。这种继承机制带动了全球采购网络地域扩张，更便宜的商品作为买家进入成本较低的生产场地推，这也是产业升级的关键，因为高价位的时尚零售商反映更复杂的产品 和有区别的风格。 我们在这条经验的重点将是服装行业，对亚洲的重视。这个选择是合理的多种理由。服装是世界上最古老和最大的出口行业之一。大多数国家为国际纺织品和服装市场（迪克森， 1995 年，第 6 页）， 是 该行业的所有最全球性的。服装是典型的以出口为导向的工业化国家，它起到了在东亚的出口增长初期的主导作用。服装行业是一个典型的买方驱动的商品链，因为它产生通过组织渠道，包括巨型成本驱动的折扣连锁店（沃尔玛，凯玛特，或目
47、标），各种高档品牌营销（一种非常积极的全球采购模式丽诗加邦，诺蒂卡），服装专卖店，以及新兴的大众商品 的零售商之间的私人标签计划。最后，服装体现了两种截然不同的生产系统的买方驱动链的特点： 装配 和 贴牌 。鉴于装配模型是工业分包，制造商提供简单的组装，服装缝纫零件厂的形式， 贴牌 模式是商业分包形式，其中与国外客商及国内厂家的买卖双方的联系可支持更高度左右的服装链的上游和下游部分地方学习。 本文的组织如下。首先，全球商品链框架将概述，具有的结构和买方驱动链动力学重点。第二，购房者的大锻件全球采购的服装商品链网络（零售商，销售商和制造商）每个角色将突出显示。第三，产业升级框架介绍，以帮助在全球
48、服装出口最重要的贸易转移帐 户。为提升组织基础是与不同类型的买方与卖方联系，并在出口国之间的外国买家组织演替不同模式。第四，从商品链的角度来看，产业升级，是与建设过程中，延伸，综合协调和完成生产和亚洲的贸易网络。这些网络是社会资本的灵活形式，是一种宝贵的资产，全球经济的竞争力。第五，我们将评估的服装采购在北美的亚洲经验的影响。目前，美国正在进口来自墨西哥和加勒比海盆地已组装使用美国投入的国家服装。我们在亚洲的产业升级的分析表明，墨西哥将超越组装生产，并建立一个全包或 贴牌模式，以促进综合北美商品链。如果全包供应器成功地在墨西哥，但是，它 将利用比在亚洲发现的，因为在商品链的服装产业和空间组织跨区域的变异的网络很多种。
