1、 外文翻译 原文 Skills Marketplaces Emerge（ extracts） Material Source: Forrester Research,October. 1999 Author: Liz Leyne I. INTRODUCTION “Labor dispatch,” “talent dispatch,” “human resources outsourcing”: these are some of the names used in China to describe the temporary staffing industry, an increasingl
2、y controversial practice in China. The industry rests on a triangular employment relationship amongst a private employment agency, employees, and the corporate customer. Like temporary staffing agencies in the West, the private employment agency in China dispatches its employees to work for the corp
3、orate customer, and the corporate customer pays the agency a fee in exchange for the labor of the employees and the staffing service it receives. In China, supporters of the industry see it as a cost-cutting, human resource-management tool as well as a policy tool for solving unemployment. Its criti
4、cs consider the industry as a means for companies to make workers more “flexible” with fewer protections. “Temporary staffing agencies are a form of labor market intermediary, meeting the needs of client companies for contract workers of many kinds. With a core business of labor supply, temporary st
5、affing is a very particular kind of people-based service activity, and one that by its very nature is always delivered locally.” Because of these characteristics, coupled typically with a trans-local and even global recruiting strategy, Coe, Johns, and Ward argue that the staffing industry must oper
6、ate within national legal framework rather than either local or transnational ones. At the same time, many temporary staffing firms in China are transnational operations, serving the outsourcing needs of their transnational clients. This globalization of the staffing industry must therefore be situa
7、ted in Chinas specific national context. Furthermore, Jamie Peck and Nik Theodore argue that the transnational staffing industry does not merely respond to national labor-market conditions, but rather is an active collective agent in reregulating local labor markets. Temp agencies “actively shape th
8、e growth in contingent labor through their role in labor-market intermediation, by selling employers the cost-cutting and labor controlling virtues of workforce flexibility while mobilizing contingent workers and brokering connections to employers.” I approach the operation of this industry in China
9、 in the following way. Although China is in broad terms an illiberal polity, the Chinese state is increasingly adopting a neo-liberal way of governing or neo liberal govern mentality. Ironically, it does so in order to strengthen Party-state rule. Following Michel Foucault, “govern mentality” refers
10、 to forms of governance that utilize a network of state and non-state actors, with the specific aim of steering individuals (both individual persons and individual institutions) to govern themselves in the market economy. Data for this paper are drawn from my personal interviews with managers in thr
11、ee labor dispatch companies, government officials in the Bureau of Labor and Social Security, and the Bureau of Personnel (the two bureaus were recently merged as the Bureau of Human Resources and Social Security) in Shanghai and its surrounding areas, and Wenzhou, Hangzhou, and Ningbo, Zhejiang Pro
12、vince. Data are also drawn from document analyses. The theoretical orientation of the paper rests on a growing literature on the temporary staffing industry. Although an important edited book on Chinas labor dispatch industry was recently published in China, thus far, I have encountered little schol
13、arly work in English on the staffing industry in China, nor are there reliable data on the scope of this industry. To my knowledge, this paper is thus a first attempt to understand the domestic context within which the staffing industry operates. Thus, it seeks to make some contribution to understan
14、ding the globalization of the temporary staffing industry, an active agent in creating the global flexible labor regime. The emergence of govern mentality as a leading theme in labor and employment regulation can be traced as a historical development. The Chinese central government initiated the eme
15、rgence of a labor market by introducing the labor contract into its lifelong employment system in 1986.The aim was to make Chinese labor less “rigid,” and thereby meet a key demand of the foreign capital that led Chinas post-reform economic development. This move toward a more “flexible” labor force
16、 became much more abrupt as China prepared to enter the World Trade Organization in 2001. The real causal processes informing this change do not turn exclusively on the role of nation-state adhesion to international treaties. By participating as the manufacturing site in an expanding set of global c
17、ommodity chains, the Chinese government and domestic firms have also been compelled to adopt global rules of governance that operate directly along the chains rather than indirectly through the nation-state. Local governments, the international organizations such as the International Labor Organizat
18、ion (ILO) and the World Bank, both international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and domestic NGOs on workers rights; and firms have been involved in labor governance, exercising influence at different nodes along the chains. Central to the staffing industrys growth has been the way in which t
19、he staffing industry has established its members as trusted mediators in the existing Chinese context of predominantly state- and network-mediated employment. As I will discuss in the following section, the staffing industry promotes ISO 9000 and codes of conduct to establish this trust in job appli
20、cants and client firms alike. The self regulatory basis for instilling such trust is itself a move away from longer established bases for trust in China, which have been based on personal and social connections. This transition is broadly in line with the Chinese governments approach to “active empl
21、oyment” policy: “workers must rely on themselves to seek jobs; the market mediates employment; and government promotes employment.” In this sense, then, the staffing industry contributes to turning the Chinese jobseekers into a contingent labor supply (especially migrants and those laid off during t
22、he economic restructuring of the state sector): its operations mesh with capitals insatiable but fickle need for numerical flexibility in the labor force. Both domestic and foreign firms increasingly consider using labor dispatch companies. It appears in particular that what they offer (labor dispat
23、ch services and human-resources outsourcing) is increasingly seen as the best way to get around Labor Law (1994) and Labor Contract Law (2007) regulations. This is particularly true of the new rules in the Labor Contract Law regarding the length of labor contract, the conditions under which workers
24、may be fired, and so on. When labor dispatch companies in China sell their business to firms, a central selling point is that by using labor-dispatch services and by outsourcing human resources operations, firms not only save transaction costs on the labor market, but also focus more on their strate
25、gic goals.13 Beyond these more immediate growth pressures, the staffing industry has grown in China since its introduction to China in the 1990s for another important reason: rising unemployment. Because large numbers of secure jobs have abruptly been made redundant, especially in the state sector,
26、the governments active employment policy encourages the unemployed to seek part-time, temporary, and seasonal work. Labor dispatch services are considered the most efficient to help the unemployed find this kind of work. Labor dispatch companies, in turn, also represent themselves as making a contri
27、bution to solving Chinas unemployment problem the number one social problem deemed by the government. In the following sections, I sketch the history of labor market structure and regulation since the late 1970s; and I explore the characteristics and problems of the contemporary temporary staffing i
28、ndustry in the light of the orientation that I have just outlined. II. CHINA OPENS UP China started its economic reform program in 1978 to open up its economy and foreign policy to the outside world, and to reform its domestic socialist economy. It did so amidst a wave of economic restructuring in b
29、oth developing and developed countries. Chinas subsequent participation in a mounting number of “global commodity chains” (IT, fashion, toys, and so on) 15 was facilitated by this uncanny coincidence. China provided the perfect destination for outsourcing manufacturing activity from the developed wo
30、rld. 译文 Skills Marketplaces Emerge（节选） 资料来源 : Forrester Research,October. 1999 作者： Liz Leyne 一、介绍 “劳务派遣”“人才派遣”“人力资源外包”这是一些在中国使用的名词来描述临时行业 ,一个日益增长的争议问题。业界之间建立在一个私人职业介绍所，员工三角雇佣关系和企业客户。就像西方的临时工作人员的机构，在中国私营职业介绍所派遣的员工共同为企业客户和公司客户支付代理费用 ,以换 取劳动和员工培训优秀的售后服务。在中国，该行业的支持者认为这是一个削减成本的人力资源管理工具以及作为解决失业政策的工具。批评家也认
31、为该行业作为一种工具用于公司让员工用更少的保护来获得更多的“灵活”性。 “临时职介机构是劳动力市场中介的形式，满足多种客户公司的合同工的需要。提供了一个核心业务的劳动力供给 ,暂时的编制是一个非常特定类型的人本身服务活动 ,其本质总是交付在局部地区的。”因为再加上一个跨本地乃至全球招聘策略通常有这些特点，安科，约翰和瓦德认为，猎头行业，必须在国家法律框架内运作，而不是当地的或跨国的。 与此同时，许多在中国的临时劳务派遣单位是跨国经营，其跨国客户提供服务的外包需求。这个全球化的编制行业因此必须位于中国特定民族的语境中。 此外，杰米派克和聂西奥多认为，跨国猎头行业，不只是响应国家的劳动力市场条件，
32、而是一个活跃在当地劳动力市场集体反调节剂。临时机构“积极塑造的劳动队伍，通过他们在劳动力市场中介作用的增长，销售雇主的成本削减和控制人力弹性劳动的美德，同时动员职工队伍和经纪连接的雇主。” 我用如下方式接近中国这个行业的运行。虽然中国从广义上讲，是一个不开明的政体，但是中国国家政体是越来越多的采用 一种新自由主义的方式或新自由主义的心态来支配管理。具有讽刺意味的是 ,它这样做是为了加强党国的规则。东莞市福柯 ,“统治心态”是指管理方式 ,利用网络的状态和非国有的演员 ,以特定目标转向个人 (包括个人和个人机构 )自治权在市场经济。 这篇论文的数据都来自我的个人访谈，三劳务派遣中的劳动和社会保障
33、局，人事局和（两局最近为人力资源和社会保障局合并后的公司，政府官员与社会保障）在上海及其周边地区温州，杭州，宁波，浙江。 数据也来自文件分析，本文的理论定位必须依靠一个临时增长文献编制产业。虽然一个重要的中国的劳 动力派遣书编辑出版业是最近在中国，迄今为止，我遇到小的学术工作，对猎头行业在中国的英语，也没有关于这个行业的范围的可靠的数据。据我所知 ,本文就形成了一种首次尝试了解国内的文脉关系 ,编制行业的运营方式。因此 ,它试图做出一些贡献 ,来帮助人们理解全球化进程的加快工业 ,一个临时人员活性剂在创造全球性灵活的劳动力的政权。 管理心态的出现作为领先的主题在劳动就业调控能够追溯到作为一种历
34、史的发展。 在中国中央政府发起引入其终身雇佣制度于 1986 年的劳动合同的劳动市场的出现。 其目的是使中国劳动力少“刚性”，从而满足了外国资 本，导致中国的改革后经济发展的关键需求。这种朝向一个更加“柔性”劳动力越来越弱 ,中国准备在 2001 年进入世界贸易组织。 真正的因果关系的这种变化不通知开启了民族国家的粘附作用的专门的国际条约。 作为生产现场参与的全球商品链，中国政府和国内企业扩大设置也已被迫采取的经营管理的全球规则，而不是直接沿链通过民族国家比间接的影响。地方政府，如国际劳动组织（劳工组织）和世界银行，包括国际非政府组织（ NGO）和关于工人权利的国内非政府组织的国际组织和企业参
35、与了劳动管理，实行不同的影响节点沿着链。 中央对猎头行业的增长一直 在其中猎头行业建立了在现有的主要国家与网络中介的就业环境作为值得信赖的调停中其成员的方式。正如我将讨论的以下部分，人员编制产业升级 ISO 9000 和行为守则，以建立这个求职者和客户公司的信任一样。自我监管灌输这种信任的基础上，本身就是一种脱离建立基地不再信任中国，已对个人和社会关系为基础。这种转型大致与中方政府的方针，以“积极就业”政策：“工人必须要靠自己去寻求就业，市场调解就业和政府促进就业。” 从这个意义上讲，那么，猎头行业，有助于成为一个队伍劳动力供给（特别是移民和奠定在国有部门的经济结构调整过的）的 中国求职者：业
36、务网与资本的贪得无厌，但变幻无常的数值灵活性需要劳动力。 国内和外国公司越来越多地考虑使用劳务派遣公司。 特别是它出现在他们所提供（劳务派遣服务，人力资源外包）越来越被视为最好的方法避开劳动法（ 1994 年）和劳动合同法（ 2007 年）的规定。 这是尤其在劳动合同法有关的新的劳动合同期限的长短规定，在何种情况下可能被解雇的工人，等等。 当劳务派遣公司出售其在中国业务的公司，一个中央的卖点是，通过使用劳动派遣服务和外包业务的人力资源，企业不仅可以节省劳动力市场上的交易成本，而且更注重其战略目标。 除了这些 更直接的增长压力 13 日，猎头行业在中国已成长自推出以来，中国在上世纪 90 年代的
37、另一个重要原因是：失业率上升。由于有稳定的工作突然被大量裁减，特别是在国有部门，政府的积极的就业政策鼓励失业人士寻找兼职，临时和季节性工作。劳务派遣服务被认为是最有效地协助失业人士寻找这方面的工作。反过来劳务派遣公司也做出了一份贡献自己的代表作为解决中国失业问题的社会问题。在下面的章节中，我勾画出劳动力市场结构和规例 20世纪 70 年代后期以来的历史，而我探讨了当代在我刚才概述的取向临时工作人员的行业问题的特点。 二、 中国 的 开放 中 国从 1978 年开始的经济改革方案，以开放其经济和外交政策，外面的世界，并改革其国内的社会主义经济。它这样做是在发展中国家中和发达国家的经济结构调整的浪潮。 中国的参与，在随后的“全球商品链”安装数量（资讯，时装，玩具等） 15 提供了便利这一离奇的巧合。 中国从发达国家被提供理想目的地用于外包业务的制造业活动。
