1、 外文翻译 原文 Export Processing Zones as Catalysts Material Source: world development,Vol.25,No.12,pp.2115-2128,1997 Author:Helena Johansson,Lars Nilsson For several reasons, non-traditional exports could play an important role in the development and industrialization process in the Third World. For inst
2、ance, exports may generate the scarce foreign exchange needed to finance imports of industrial inputs and capital goods, help to realize economies of scale and also be a source of employment and GNP growth. A common policy instrument aimed at stimulating exports has been the establishment of export
3、processing zones (EPZs). EPZs are geographically or juridically bounded areas in which free trade, including duty-free import of intermediate goods, is permitted provided that all goods produced within the zone are exported. The objective is to lure export-oriented enterprises to the EPZs. In additi
4、on to free trade status, various incentives such as tax rebates are commonly offered. Economists over the years have argued that EPZs have a negative or, at best, a very limited positive effect on the host country. Still, EPZs are an increasingly popular trade instrument all over the world, and ther
5、e are reasons to believe that an important beneficial effect of EPZs has been overlooked in most previous studies. Recently, several authors, in particular Romer, have discussed in various contexts the presence of idea gaps in development and emphasized the role of multinational enterprises and fore
6、ign direct investment in diffusing ideas among countries. Many indigenous firms in developing countries lack “export know-how” that is, the knowledge that would enable them to master the production, marketing, distribution and selling of export goods. Since one purpose of EPZs is to attract foreign
7、direct investment and use foreign knowledge and capital to create an export base, local firms may be stimulated to enter the export market by learning from the experience of foreign affiliates. That is, the foreign affiliates may have catalyst effect on potential domestic exporters and EPZs may thus
8、 contribute to the host countrys total exports in two different ways: directly, since the exports form the EPZs is part of the countrys total exports but, more importantly, also indirectly by inducing local firms to export. Further, this catalyst effect could be more than internal to EPZs, that is,
9、affect not only local firms which operate, or are induced to operate within the EPZs, but also spill over to domestic firms outside the EPZs. The catalyst effect has largely been overlooked in the literature on EPZs and as a consequence, the success of EPZs has mainly been judged in terms of employm
10、ent creation, linkages to the host country, foreign exchange earnings and suchlike. The approach chosen has been to compare benefits, in terms of foreign exchange earnings and tax revenue, with incurred costs such as subsidies, administrative costs, infrastructure, etc. this kind of traditional cost
11、-benefit analysis helps to indicate the direct profitability of the zone but often fails to capture positive externalities, such as the catalyst effect, as well as potential negative externalities. A second shortcoming of this type of analysis is the underlying assumption that an EPZ which is profit
12、able automatically is beneficial for the host country. The relationship is, however, more complex. A successful EPZ performance could either provide the host country with an impetus to continue with trade liberalization reforms, thereby promoting additional export expansion, or have an adverse effec
13、t on total exports by conserving existing anti-export biases. We use a version of the gravity model to investigate what impact the establishment of EPZs has on host country total exports. The purpose of this exercise is twofold: first, as the primary objective of EPZs is to promote exports, we are i
14、nterested in whether the establishment of EPZs affects total host country exports at all. The EPZs direct contribution to total exports, the possibility of a catalyst effect and the fact that a prosperous EPZ could induce additional trade reforms speak in favor of an overall positive impact on total
15、 exports. If, on the other hand, the establishment of EPZs preserves an initial inward oriented trade policy a negative effect on non-EPZ exports could occur. Second, we investigate whether a positive catalyst effect is present. Because of data limitations the latter exercise is only conducted for t
16、he case of Malaysia. Prerequisites for a successful EPZ For an EPZ to have a significant catalyst effect on the host country, some basic features are required. Those include both key micro characteristics of the EPZ and overall macro aspects such as the general trade and development regime pursued b
17、y the host country. To begin with, in order to generate any effects at all, the EPZs must function as intended, that is, they must attract investment, export the mainstay of heir output and function without heavy subsidies. These criteria are far from satisfied in many EPZs today. Second, even thoug
18、h the EPZ may be successful in attracting investment and generate export earnings, it is not automatic that the export supply response will spread outside the zone. If the trade policy reforms are confined to the EPZ and an anti-export biased policy situation remains in the rest of the country, fore
19、ign firms may have a positive influence on domestic firms within the zone but fail to stimulate the emergence of a domestic export sector outside the zone. Finally, the EPZ may also influence the trade policy regime of the host country, either by conserving anti-export biases present in the rest of
20、the country or by initiating additional trade-oriented reforms. The possible impact of the EPZs on the host countrys exports, both directly and indirectly, is but one aspect of EPZs. It is important to bear in mind that several other issues are relevant if we are to fully understand the role of EPZs
21、 in the development process.” For example, EPZ manufacturing consists in most cases of simple assembly or production with low value-added. Although unskilled labor is almost always abundant in countries establishing EPZs skilled labor and entreprenuership is commonly in short supply. If, as noted by
22、 Kaplinsky, those scarce resources are drawn from more technically advanced or higher value added production elsewhere in the economy to the EPZs, the country may suffer a loss of capabilities. EPZs should perhaps further not only be seen in a narrow host country context, but also in a world wide de
23、velopment perspective. For instance, Kaplinsky draws attention to the danger of fallacy of composition. He argues that since cheap, unskilled labor is the major attraction for foreign investors in EPZs, competitive devaluation may cause EPZs to be beneficial when established by a few countries but r
24、esult in a drop in real wages and deteriorating terms of trade when established simultaneously by a large number of developing countries. (a) Micro characteristics and the performance of the EPZs Since the late 1960s, a large number of EPZs have been established in the developing world but far from
25、all function satisfactory today. Especially in the early 1970s several mistakes were made in the design, locational choice and implementation of the zones and it is noteworthy that the failure to appreciate fully the potential merits of EPZs may be due to the large number of mistakes commonly made i
26、n connection with the zones. A common mistake was to incorporate regional development objectives into the EPZ investment decision. Because of its convenient enclave structure, an EPZ could in principle be located anywhere in the host country and policy makers quickly saw the possibility for killing
27、two birds with one stone. Thus, the EPZs were in some cases established in rural underdeveloped areas considered to be most in need of economic development, in order to promote a more balanced economic development in the country. Other commonly cited factors explaining the poor performance of severa
28、l EPZs are poor planning and design, abundance of red-tape procedures, insufficient and inefficient promotion, lack of supporting government policy interventions, and finally, pure mismanagement. In spite of all possible pitfalls, many successful EPZs do exist. The common features they share are bas
29、ically the opposite of the above-mentioned impediments: a favorable location, promotion, adherence to the basic EPZ principles, i.e. duty-free imports of inputs, minimized red-tape procedures, guaranteed profit repatriation and the presence of a supporting infrastructure such as telecommunication, e
30、lectricity, and water. (b) EPZs and trade policy Since EPZs are most often enclaves, two diametrically opposite scenarios are feasible for initially import-substituting countries. The establishment of an EPZ could either be part of an overall trade-oriented reform program aimed at opening up the cou
31、ntry, or regarded as an opportunity to reap the benefits from export promotion while simultaneously continuing with an import-substituting policy in the rest of the country. In the first case, supporting trade-oriented reforms, putting the rest of the country on an equal footing status with the rest
32、 of the world, facilitates the spread of the export supply response outside the zone. In Sri Lanka, for example, the introduction of the Katunayake zone was part of a series of trade-oriented reforms. The zone attracted a large number of foreign direct investments. As other types of duty-free regime
33、s were introduced outside the zone, a successful manufacturing export sector evolved, largely located outside the zone. In the latter case, when the import-substituting development policy remains in the rest of the country, the EPZ may well be prosperous per se but the diffusion of the export supply
34、 response may be restricted. An additional important link between the host countrys trade policy and EPZs, which indirectly influence the potential for the catalyst to work, is that EPZs might also influence the overall trade policy. Even if the initial intention was to continue with import substitu
35、tion, a convincing performance of the EPZs may provide both the arguments and the resources needed to induce a policy shift toward greater openness. In China, for example, the developing prosperity within the free economic zones has raised demand for further trade reforms. Such reforms should permit
36、 a further expansion of exports. Another possibility, emphasized by the World Bank(1992), is that a successful EPZ may just as easily conserve an inward oriented industrial structure in the host country. The underlying reason is that a well-functioning EPZ generates export earnings and creates emplo
37、yment. Since one of the potentially important explanations behind a policy change aimed at reducing anti-export biases is an acute trade deficit due to low export earnings, possibly in combination with high unemployment, the presence of EPZs may prolong the time period which a country can pursue a p
38、rotectionist trade strategy, undertaking no or few trade liberalizing reforms. This may be the scenario if the EPZs are important enough to create considerable employment and large inflows of foreign exchange. EPZs accomplishing this are commonly regarded as a successful investment for the host coun
39、try but if outward orientation is a primary goal, EPZs could delay reforms. This line of reasoning indicates the unsuitability of assessing the performance of EPZs in isolation, not taking the total effect of the EPZ on the host country into account. Conclusion This paper shows that EPZs have increa
40、sed total exports of several developing countries. The effect varies across countries, and those countries with an outward-oriented trade strategy are more likely to experience a positive impact on exports. It is further shown that in the case of Malaysian EPZs is larger than the exports from the co
41、untrys EPZs, indicating the presence of a catalyst effect. This result is consistent with the concept of idea gaps put forth by Romer and indicates that EPZs may contribute to economic development by the bringing of export know-how to the host country, thereby reducing the idea gap present in many d
42、eveloping countries. The catalyst effect could expected to increase over time, as suggested by Romers ideas, but the test for Malaysia does not support this hypothesis. In contrast, the effect is fairly constant over time. Due to data limitations, the existence of a catalyst effect could only be ana
43、lyzed for Malaysia. As data become available, future work on this topic could therefore include empirical analyses of the existence of a catalyst effect in additional countries. 译文 出口加工区的催化剂 作用 资料来源 :世界 的发展 ， 1997(25)： 2115-2128 作者： 海伦娜 约翰逊 ， 拉 尔斯 尼尔森 非传统 出口贸易 在促进第三世界国家经济的发展和工业化进程的加快过程中发挥重要作用的原因有许多
44、，例如，出口可以增加外汇用以工业投入及资本货物的进口， 有利于实现规模经济，同时也可以增加就业机会，促进国民生产总值的增长。出口加工区以 地理上或法律上的自由贸易为界，包括中间产品的免税进口以及区内生产的所有产品的出口活动。出口加工区是刺激出口的一项政策工具，除自由贸易外，提供各种诸如免税的优惠措施以吸引企业投资。 多年来经济学家认为，出 工加工区对东道国产生的是负面影响，或者充其量是有限的积极影响。然而，出口加工区却在世界 范围内逐渐被接受。我们可以相信，在过去的大多数研究中，出口加工区的一个重要有利作用被忽视。目前，一些学者尤其是罗默讨论了在不同的背景下观念差距的客观存在，并强调了跨国公司
45、及外商直接投资在各国间传播 思想的重要作用。 许多发展中国家的当地企业缺乏“出口诀窍”，即出口产品的生产、销售、分销等技能。建立出口加工区的目的之一在于吸引外国直接投资，使用外国知识和资本来创建一个出口基地，从而刺激当地企业通过学习 外 国 子 公司的经验以进入国际出 口市场。也就是说，外国子公司对东道国内有潜力的企业起到一个催化剂的作用，由此出口加工区可以通过两种不同的方式促进东道国出口总值的增加：首先，出口加工区的出口额本身是东道国出口总额的一部分，并间接地诱导了当地企业的出口。其次，出口加工区的催化剂作用 不仅作用于区内企业，而且还影响到加工区以外的企业。 由于加工区的催化剂作用往往被忽
46、视，因此，它的成功主要被认为是创造就业机会、加强与东道国的联系、增加外汇收入等这些方面。 选择的研究方法主要是外汇收入与税收收入同费用成本如补贴、管理费用以及基础设施建设等的利益比较。 这 种传统的成本效益分析方法可以得出加工区的直接效益但往往不能抓到 积极的外部效应如催化剂作用 或者 潜在的消极影响。 这种分析方法的另一个缺点在于它有个潜在的假设即出口加工区的利益自动对东道国生效。然而，事实上，加工区与东道国之间的关系更加复杂。出口加工区的成功表现既可以推动东道国贸易自由化的深化改革，从而扩大出口，也可能通过保护现有的反出口偏向从而对东道国产生不利的影响。 我们通过一个重力场模型来研究出口加
47、工区的建立对东道国的出口产生的影响。目的有两个：首先，出口加工区的设立旨在推动东道国的出口贸易，我们感兴趣的是 ，出口加工区的设立是否能真正促进东道国的出口。 出口加工区对出口总额的直接贡献、催化剂作用存在的可能性以及成功的加工区对贸易改革的诱导作用，这些观点都阐述了出口加工区的积极影响。另一方面，出口加工区的建立保护最初的内在导向贸易的政策对非出口加工区出口可能会产生负面影响。 第二，我们调查是否有积极的催化加效果真正存在。由于数据有限，我们只能以马来西亚为例进行研究分析。 一个成功的出口加工区的先决条件 一个出口加工区对东道国发挥催化剂作用，一些基本功能是必需的，主要包括加工区本身的微观特
48、征以及诸如一般贸易和东道国所追求的发展管理模式等整体发展的宏观特征。 首先，为产生影响，出口加工区必须具备预期的影响，如吸引投资、提供出口的主要输出及辅助设备等等。这些标准远远不能满足于如今的出口加工区。第二，虽然出口加工区可吸引投资成功、创造出口收入，但它的出口供应能力并不会自动溢出区外。如果贸易政策改革只限于出口加工区，反出口偏向政策仍存在于全国其他地区，外国公司可能会对区内企业产生影响 但对区外企业的出口并不能起到刺激作 用。最后，出口加工区也可能影响到所在国的贸易政策体制，无论是通过保护该国其他地区的发出口偏见还是发起更多的贸易为导向的改革。 出口加工区对东道国可能的影响不论是直接的还
49、是间接的都是出口加工区的一个方面。如果我们要充分认识出口加工区在发展进程中的作用，牢记其他一些相关问题很重要。例如，出口加工区的制造业多为简单的组装加工或者是低附加值的产品生产。 虽然非技术劳动力总是过剩，然而加工区所需的熟练劳动力却总供不应求。 卡普林斯基指出，如果这些稀缺资源被其他技术先进或增值更高的生产所吸引，则该国将承受很大的能力损失。出 口加工区不仅局限于东道国的狭小范围内，并且处于世界范围内的广阔的发展前景下。例如，卡普林斯基提请注意合成谬误的危险。他认为，非技术的廉价劳动力是吸引外国投资者进驻加工区的主要因素。竞争性贬值在加工区刚建立的时候可能是有益的，但也仅限于少数国家 ，当众多发展中国家共同建立时却引发了实际工资的下降以及贸易条件的恶化。 出口加工区及贸易政策 由于出口加工区是最常见的飞地，对于最初进口替代国家有两种 截然相反的 方案可行。出口加工区的建立既是整体贸易改革的一部分，旨在对外开放，也可以看作是提高出口收益的一个契机，并同时在 国内其他地方实行进口替代政策。在第一种情况下，支持贸易为导向的改革，将国内其他地区与世界其他地区置于同等地位，促进区外出口供应能力的蔓延。例如斯里兰卡的卡图纳亚克区引进了贸易为导向的一系列改革。该区域吸引了大量外国直接投资 ，与此同时，随着区外各种类型的免税制度的引进，大量的成功
