1、 外文翻译 原文 Abuse of anti-dumping instrument in textiles and clothing sector by EC, US Material Source:Third World Economics Author:Chakravarthi Raghavan GENEVA: The use and abuse of the anti-dumping instrument, in particular by the European Union and the US, to start investigations and harass exporter
2、s of textiles and clothing products from developing countries, which are already severely subject to quota restrictions, so as to hit their exports, has been brought out in a communication from 18 developing countries to the WTO Negotiating Group on Rules. The paper is by Bangladesh, Brazil, China,
3、Colombia, Costa Rica, Egypt, Guatemala, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Korea, Macao, Maldives, Pakistan, Paraguay, Peru, Thailand and Vietnam. These 18 developing countries, which are members of the International Textiles and Clothing Bureau (ITCB), have highlighted the way the anti-dumping investigat
4、ions are initiated, with levy of provisional duties and the complaints subsequently dismissed, only for new investigations to be started on the same products - aimed at harassing the export trade of countries. The communication calls for proper disciplines to prevent such misuse of anti-dumping acti
5、ons. It notes in this connection that at the WTOs 2001 Ministerial Conference in Doha, in their decision on implementation, the Ministers had agreed that members should exercise particular consideration before initiating investigations in the context of anti-dumping remedies against textiles and clo
6、thing exports of developing countries. While the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing will disappear at the end of 2004, when all the trade in this sector is to be fully integrated into the GATT disciplines, the fact that the major restraining markets are keeping to the very last day and minute a subs
7、tantial majority of quota restraints on imports from developing countries, has created considerable apprehensions in the Third World that instruments like anti-dumping, environment, health protection and other grounds would be invoked to harass the trade. From this perspective, and to encourage the
8、restructuring of the industry in the North in the two years remaining before its integration into normal WTO discipline, Third World trade experts believe that perhaps the focus of developing countries should not be on any invoking of special and differential treatment and such ideas, but on denying
9、 the ability of the importing countries to use such instruments and heavily discouraging the industry groups in the North from invoking them. The Rules Negotiating Group was mandated by the Doha Ministerial to clarify and improve the WTO rules on anti-dumping and subsidies. It is now at the stage in
10、 which participants indicate their positions and the trade-distorting practices that need to be disciplined by clarifying the rules. The joint developing-country paper focusses on one of the areas relating to anti-dumping, namely, use of the anti-dumping instrument against the textiles and clothing
11、exports from the developing world. The Negotiating Group is also seized of complaints and calls for clarification and further disciplines on a wider front, with a range of proposals. Catalogue of complaints The textiles and clothing sector, the paper of the 18 nations brought out, has seen 197 initi
12、ations of anti-dumping actions during 1990-99, ranking it the fifth among all sectors. The EC has been the biggest user in this sector, targeting as many as 53 new investigations during 1994-2001 or the third among all sectors. Of the 53 new initiations by the EC, 46 or 87% targeted imports from dev
13、eloping countries, and all but two were initiated on complaints from interested industry associations. The sector itself has already long been subject to quota restrictions. （ As part of the family of WTO agreements, the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing, which provides the framework for liberaliza
14、tion of the trade and phaseout of existing restrictions and full integration into the GATT by 31 December 2004, was concluded in April 1994.） The joint paper brings out, with illustrations and concrete analysis, the egregious practices used by protection-seeking interests in the importing industrial
15、ized countries to prompt anti-dumping investigations. In the EC, the very fact that developing countries accounting for 44 to 67% of EC imports in a range of products were targeted and alleged to be dumping was indicative of a strong protectionist purpose, the paper by the ITCB members pointed out.
16、The investigations lasted two years (with no determination at the end), though the Tokyo Round code which applied to cases (before 1995) required investigations to be concluded within one year of initiation. The Uruguay Round also required investigations to be concluded within one year, and in any c
17、ase no more than 18 months. The communication has also brought out that instead of dismissing such complaints which on the face of it were not sustainable, investigations were started (for example by the EUs executive Commission) and provisional duties levied, only for the investigations to be ended
18、 after 18 months to two years with no final orders (in effect dismissing the complaints). Then new investigations on the same products were initiated, and by the same complainants. The EC has been the most egregious user of the anti-dumping instrument against textiles and clothing exports from devel
19、oping countries. The US has also been using anti-dumping instruments across a large number of industries (in particular the steel industry), but has been using it much less than the EC in the textiles and clothing sector. However, even in this sector, the US has been maintaining for many years the a
20、nti-dumping measures put in place from the time of the Tokyo Round codes and continued under the WTO rules. Peru, which is the vice-chair of the ITCB, introduced the developing-country paper and said that developing countries were apprehensive that when the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing expires
21、 (in the end of 2004), the restrictions under the agreement would be replaced by trade remedies, including anti-dumping actions. Peru cited some of the abuses and said that “the problem for developing countries starts from the very complaints and initiation of investigations.” The analysis in the pa
22、per, Peru said, brought out that “most often the complaints are lodged with protectionist aims, and once the investigative process starts, the adverse effects on the exporters of developing countries begin to be reflected on trade.” The investigations also involve a heavy financial burden on the exp
23、orters concerned; many of the exporters were small concerns whose exports were about a million dollars in value, and they could not afford to engage counsel and defend themselves before the investigating authorities. In discussions and comments, the EC said that it shared the conclusions about the c
24、oncerns voiced by the 18-member paper, though it was “less enthusiastic about the facts.” The EC also suggested that the investigations were against some “global players” from the developing world. India, however, said that while one or two might be big firms - not by US or EU standards but their ow
25、n - most of the others were small and medium enterprises. Clear protectionist pattern In explaining the paper, Peru also said that the textiles and clothing trade has experienced a “significant level of anti-dumping activity, especially in the EC where it ranked third among all sectors in terms of n
26、ew initiations in recent years.” While there have been attempts to portray the investigations as involving a relatively minor share of overall trade, for the developing countries concerned they accounted for a large chunk of exports. Some analytical data cited in the paper (about investigations on s
27、ynthetic fibres, cotton fabrics and bed linen) showed that in each of the three product lines, complaints have been lodged by the same industry association (in the EC) at the same time. There could hardly be any mistaking the protectionist aim behind the complaints. The investigations dragged on for
28、 two years or even longer, despite clear provisions in the Anti-dumping Agreement that these be concluded within 18 months. No relief or remedy is available to the affected countries or companies even though the investigations did not result in any affirmative findings. It was also a matter for refl
29、ection, said Peru, that the investigating authorities could not prevent damage to the exporting countries despite the fact that the complainant association grouped a large number of products which could not properly qualify as “like products” of domestic production being hit by the allegedly dumped
30、exports. Both on cotton fabrics and synthetic fabrics, a similar group of products were cited. The plain question is “how could highly processed printed fabric be considered like product alongside raw, unbleached fabric? Yet the investigations continued!” The second and third investigations in the E
31、C, for which the product coverage was reduced, showed that the product coverage for the first had been misused. The mere fact of the same industry association persisting with complaints, sometimes even before an earlier one resulted in no action, brought out the clear protectionist pattern and the s
32、erious lacuna in initiating investigations simply on receipt of complaints. In the end, each of these investigations proved to be unfounded and unjustified, but nevertheless they resulted in noticeable damage to exports of the countries concerned. The import shares of affected countries dropped, for
33、 example, from 59% before initiation of complaints (in the case of cotton fabrics) to 38% when the investigations were dropped without any affirmative duty. Even after the action was dropped, the share of imports from the affected countries could not recover, thus resulting in lasting damage to thei
34、r interests without any justification. Given that the enterprises of the developing countries were rather small, could they be capable of dumping and causing injury? Could companies with such small volumes of trade be expected, physically or financially, to defend their interests by taking advantage
35、 of any procedural rights during investigations, even when in theory these rights might be available to them? The paper also showed that once anti-dumping duties are imposed, they tend to stay, for as long as 19 years or more, irrespective of whether trade might have totally disappeared in the meanw
36、hile. For the developing countries, the problem started with the very complaints and initiation of investigations. Most often complaints are lodged with protectionist aims, and once the investigation starts the trade is affected, and this involves a heavy financial burden on exporters. In the textil
37、e industry, industry associations of major developed countries “are predisposed to equating any price declines with dumping and applying pressures for anti-dumping actions.” Detailing some data about the various investigations, the ITCB member-country paper brought out that these data showed the “al
38、acrity” with which investigations were launched, the persistence of a protectionist bias in investigations, as well as flaws in the automatic initiation of such investigations, which resulted in significant distortion on businesses and exporting-developing-country trade. The methodology used by the
39、EC in the investigations had also been discredited by the WTO dispute settlement panel and Appellate Body in a dispute raised against the EC. China hoped that the paper by the ITCB members could provide inputs for the negotiations, and help bring more clarity and discipline in the rules. The anti-du
40、mping actions had now become impediments to market access. Indonesia said that it had been a particular victim of the anti-dumping actions. Pakistan said that the anti-dumping investigations had “chilling effects” on textile exports. 译文 关于欧共体和美国对纺织品和服装部门的反倾销手段的滥用 资料来源：第三世界经济 作者： Chakravarthi Raghava
41、n 日内瓦：使用和滥用反倾销手段，尤其是欧洲联盟和美国，已经开始被调查并且影响了发展中国家的纺织品和服装产品出口，这些国家已经严重受到配额的限制，为了达到出口目的，已经组成了一个来自 18 个发展中国家的世贸组织规则谈判小组。 该文件是由孟加拉国，巴西，中国，哥伦比亚，哥斯达黎加，埃及，危地马拉，香港，印度，印度尼西亚，韩国，澳门，马尔代夫，巴基斯坦， 巴拉圭，秘鲁，泰国和越南一起拟定的。 这 18 个发展中国家，都是国际纺织品及成衣局（ ITCB）的成员，强调反倾销调查进行的方式，关于征收临时关税和取消投诉，只是针对同样产品开始的新的调查，这些产品必须是以损害其他国家出口贸易为目的的。 这次
42、交流要求用适当的法规来防止滥用反倾销行为，意在连接在多哈举行的世贸组织 2001 部长级会议。关于实施的决定，部长已经同意成员在调查开始之前针对发展中国家的纺织品和服装出口采取反倾销补救措施。 由于纺织品与服装协议会在 2004 年底失效，当所有这些领域的贸易都完全适用于关贸总协定 的时候，主要的市场对来自发展中国家的进口配额的绝大多数的制约会持续到最后一分一秒，这在第三世界造成了巨大的疑虑，如反倾销，环境，健康保护和其他理由，都被用来作为刁难贸易的工具。 从这个角度来看，并且为了“鼓励”北部行业在剩下的两年内，在正式进入世贸组织前作出结构调整，第三世界国家的贸易专家认为，发展中国家的重点不应
43、放在类似于特殊和差别待遇的调用等想法上，而应着重于否定进口国家能够使用这些工具和劝阻大量调用北部的产业集团。 规则谈判小组的任务是在多哈部长级会议，澄清和改善反倾销和补贴的 WTO规则。这是一个适当 的平台，参与者标明他们的立场，需要通过明确的规则约束贸易扭曲的做法。 参与的发展中国家专注于关于反倾销的某一领域，即针对纺织品和服装出口的反倾销手段的使用。 谈判组还查获许多投诉和澄清要求，并且有更广安的纪律要求和一系列的建议。 投诉目录 纺织品和服装部门，由 18 个国家提出的文件，自 1990 到 1999 年已发起 197起反倾销行动，居各行业第五。欧盟委员会是这一领域的最大用户，针对自 1
44、994年至 2001 年多达 53 个新调查，占各行业的三分之一。在欧共体的 53 个新调查中， 46 或 87%从发展中国家进口的目标，但有 2 起 是从感兴趣的行业协会新开展的投诉。 该行业本身已经长期受到配额的限制。 （ 作为世贸组织协议家族的一部分，关于纺织品和服装的协议，在 1994 年 4 月提供了贸易自由化的框架，现有限制的淘汰和在 2004 年 12 月 31 日前进入关贸总协定的全面整合。 ） 参与者提出的文件配有插图和具体分析，还有在进口工业化国家保护寻求利益以提示反倾销调查的令人震惊的行为。 在欧共体的一系列进口产品中，发展中国家占了 44%至 67%的比例，据称倾销是一
45、个强大的保护主义目的的指示，这是由 ITCB 各位成员的文件指出的。 调查历时两年 (没有最后确定 ),虽然东京回合守则在应用于案件是被要求必须在调查发起后一年内结束。乌拉圭回合也被要求在调查开始后一年内结束，任何情况下不能超过 18 个月。 该交流还提出了用临时征收关税取代了撤销表面上看是不可持续的此类投诉，那些仅在被调查的 18 个月后结束，在两年内并没有最终订单的投诉（实际上是驳回投诉）。在相同的产品，启动了新的调查，并有同一投诉人发起。 欧共体已成为对来自发展中国家的纺织品和服装出口使用反倾销手段最恶劣的用户。美国也在大量行业（特别是钢铁行业）使用反倾销手段，但在纺织品和服装部门 比欧
46、盟少得多。然而，即使是在这些方面，美国也在世贸组织的规则下从东京回合后多年持续使用反倾销手段。 秘鲁， ITCB 的副主席，介绍了发展中国家的文件，并且说发展中国家担心纺织品和服装协议到期（在 2004 年年底）时，该协议下的限制将改为贸易救济措施，包括反倾销行动。秘鲁列举了一些弊端并表示“发展中国家的问题从投诉和调查的发起开始。” 秘鲁说，文件中的分析指出“最常提出的投诉是出于保护主义目的的，一旦调查程序开始，对发展中国家出口商的负面效应就开始反应在贸易上。”该调查还涉及对有关出口商早点的沉重的经济负担；许多 的出口商，其出口价值约一百万美元是小问题，但他们却没有能力聘请辩护律师和在调查当局
47、面前捍卫自身权益。 在讨论中，欧盟说它承认 18 成员的关切文件的结论，虽然它“缺少对事实的热情”。欧盟委员会还建议调查一些来自于发展中国家的“全球玩家”。 然而，印度表示，虽然有可能是一两个大公司 不是美国或欧盟标准，但自己 大多数还是中小型企业。 清除保护主义模式 在解释文件的时候，秘鲁还提到，纺织品和服装贸易已经历了一个反倾销活动的高潮，尤其是在欧盟在近些年已经在所有部门发起的新案件中排名第三。”尽管他们调查在总体贸易份额相 对较少，但对发展中国家来说，占到出口比例的很大部分。 一些分析数据中引用的文件（关于对合成纤维，棉面料及床上用品的调查）标明，在每三个产品线中，在同一时间已被同一行
48、业协会（在欧共体内）提出投诉。在投诉背后可能难以有误投诉背后的贸易保护主义目的。 该调查持续了两年甚至更长的时间，尽管在反倾销协定中有必须要在 18 个月内结束的明确规定。即使调查没有任何肯定的结果，受影响的国家或企业也没有任何的救济或补救办法。 这也是一个值得思考的问题，秘鲁表示，调查机构不能阻止出口国遭受的损害，尽管申诉人协会分组的大量产品可能不 能正确符合“同类产品”的国内生产被“倾销”的出口破坏。对于棉织物和化纤织物，被一组类似的产品引用。通常的问题是“怎么可能高度加工的印花面料被视为像产品原料，面纱面料？然而，调查将继续！” 在欧盟，产品的覆盖面减少，第二个和第三个调查显示第一个调查
49、的产品覆盖面被误用了。 在同行业协会的投诉坚持这一事实，有时甚至更早的一个不采取行动的结果，带出了清晰的贸易保护主义格局和只是在接到投诉后开始调查的严重缺陷。 最终，这些调查被证明是毫无根据的和没有道理的，但尽管如此，它们还是造成了明显的损害有关国家的出口。受影响的 国家的进口份额下降，例如，从投诉开始之前（在棉织物的情况下）的 59%到 38%是，调查没有任何积极的义务减少。即使在行动减少后，受影响国家的进口份额可能没法恢复，因此对这些国家的利益造成的持久的损害没有任何公正的待遇。 鉴于发展中国家的企业都比较小，它们有倾销和造成损害的能力吗？无论是企业本身还是经济上，这些小企业在调查中能通过采取保护诉讼权利的优势，即使在理论上这些权利对他们有用吗？ 该文件还显示，一旦反倾销税征收，他们往往持续长达 19 年以上，不论贸易是否有可能完全与此同时小时。 对于发展中国家来说，问题开 始于非常投诉和发起调查。最常见的投诉递交出于保护主义的目的，一旦调查开始，贸易即被影响，这涉及到出口商沉重的财政负担。在纺织行业，主要发达国家的行业协会“是倾向于等同倾销和申请反倾销行动的任何价格下跌的压力。” 详细说明有关各种调查的一些数据，
