1、 外文翻译 原文 Characteristics of migrant entrepreneurship in Europe. Material Source： Entrepreneurship international migration has become a key feature of a modern open society (Gorter, Nijkamp, and Poot 1998). According to a widely used definition, migrants are persons who have been outside their countr
2、y of birth or citizenship for a period of 12 months or longer (Sasse and Thielemann 2005). It is estimated that at present, there are about 160 million migrants worldwide (2 to 3% of the world population), supplemented by an estimated 10 million illegal migrants. In 2003, there were an estimated 17
3、million forced migrants (asylum-seekers and refugees) worldwide; of these, 4.1 million were being hosted in Europe (UNHCR statistical yearbook 2003). It is further estimated that the annual net inflow of migrants into the EU 15 was about 1.7 million in 2002 (Eurostat yearbook 2004), with just under
4、50% coming from other European countries. Spain, Italy, Germany, and the UK accounted for about 70% of this net inflow. Europe is an important continent for international migration showing a current stock of 56 million migrants in the population, followed by Asia with 50 million, and North America w
5、ith 41 million (Zimmermann 2005). A number of factors, such as former colonial links previous areas of labour recruitment or ease of entry from neighbouring countries shape the trends in international migration (Stalker 2002). In general, the various migrant flows can be classified into four broad c
6、ategories of entry: labour migration, family reunification, undocumented workers or illegal immigrants, and asylum seekers. However, students studying abroad for more than one year, international retirement migration, and expatriate professionals on long-term assignments form other categories of ent
7、ry. Since the end of World War II, Europe has had four main phases of immigration (Stalker 2002; Zimmermann 2005): (1) late 1940s and early-1950s post-war adjustment, mass refugee flows and decolonization; (2) early-1950s to 1973 labour migration; (3) 1974 to mid-1980s restrained migration; and (4)
8、mid-1980s to 2000s asylum seekers, refugees, and illegal immigrants. An overall evaluation shows that Central European countries including Germany, Switzerland, Austria, the Benelux countries, and France have been the most important immigration countries as well as traditionally the port of entry of
9、 many labour migrants in Europe. After decades, since the 1980s, the Southern European countries such as Italy, Greece, Spain, and Portugal have also become immigration countries, receiving people from Northern Africa, the Balkans, and the Eastern Mediterranean, mostly through illegal immigration du
10、e to the proximity to these regions, the geographical features (e.g. coastlines, mountainous regions) that make it easier to enter, and the situation that these areas are often seen as transit countries (Lazaridis and Poyago-Theotoky 1999; International Organization for Migration IOM 2000; Cavounidi
11、s 2002; Stalker 2002; Zimmermann 2005). The available data from OECD and Eurostat show that, while during the 1990s Germany, the UK and France were the first immigration countries; this picture had changed by the end of the 1990s, first with a remarkable increase in migration flows to Italy and next
12、 in the 2000s to Spain. According to the recently published International Migration Outlook (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development OECD 2006), Spain received an inflow of 646,000 foreign citizens in 2004, while actually Spain, the UK and Germany occupy the highest rankings as the mo
13、st important immigration countries in Europe. It is plausible that in the future immigration to the EU will likely increase (according to the projection of Boeri and Bru cker (2005), the long-run migration stock will be attained in 2030 at a foreign population level of 3.0 million persons roughly in
14、 Europe) as a result of both the demand for labour and low birth rates in the EU. In the short- and medium-term many of these requirements are likely to be met by flows from Eastern Europe and the new member states (NMS), particularly following the eastward expansion of the EU (Stalker 2002; Boeri a
15、nd Bru cker 2005). However, the long-term picture will probably involve higher immigration levels from developing countries (Stalker 2002). Therefore, more diversity in future migration flows is expected. Europe is not only an important region for the migration phenomenon, given its current stock of
16、 migrants in the population, but also an important place where migration is especially useful from a socio-economic perspective in the light of an ageing population and the rising need for dedicated skills. Several studies show that migration provides many benefits and contributes to economic growth
17、 and the creation of new jobs in Europe. Since economic growth and the creation of new jobs are strongly associated with labour mobility and since regional labour mobility is relatively low in the EU, immigration from outside the EU will play a potentially crucial role for the creation of more labou
18、r mobility in Europe (Zimmermann 2005). Recent studies show also that although international migration may intervene as local labour markets by negatively affecting the wages of native workers, its actual (negative) impact is quantitatively small (Longhi, Nijkamp, and Poot 2005). Boeri and Bru cker
19、(2005) have estimated that, at the given wage and productivity gap between Western and Eastern Europe, a migration of 3% of the Eastern population to the West could increase the total EU GDP by up to 0.5%. However, the most prominent impact of migration from a socio-economic perspective has been the
20、 increasing rate of self-employed immigrants in the labour market. The entrepreneurial behaviour of many migrant groups has led to the rise of a new phenomenon that is called migrant entrepreneurship or ethnic entrepreneurship. Migrant entrepreneurship has played a crucial role in increasing the emp
21、loyment opportunities for ethnic segments in the urban population and in resolving social tensions and problems. It has also become one of the driving forces for the growth of national and regional economies, particularly in the USA and in many European countries (Borjas 1986, 1990; Barrett, Jones,
22、and McEvoy 1996; Cross 1992; Kloosterman, van der Leun, and Rath 1998; OECD 2006). Actually, ethnic participation in terms of self-employment and ethnic entrepreneurship is increasingly seen as a powerful economic force and a contributor to solving structural labour market imbalances in many industr
23、ialized countries. The volume of migrant groups in Europe as well as the share of business ownership among these groups are expected to continue to grow. In general, immigrants are more likely to be self-employed than similarly skilled native-born workers, while self-employment rates of immigrants e
24、xceed in many countries those of native-born. The different migration ramifications including the cultural and socio-economic characteristics of migrant groups and the socio-political circumstances in the host countries have caused a variety of recent migrant entrepreneurship experiences of differen
25、t European countries. While migrant enterprises have become more embedded in the European urban economy, the largest cities in Europe have acquired a more cosmopolitan outlook and have become dynamic multicultural economies. Social and economic change in Europe is characterized by international mobi
26、lity, the challenge of a multicultural society, and new forms of integration and tension between immigrants and local populations. The rising orientation of migrants towards job search may also raise the problem of the expansion of informal activities, which take a variety of forms. According to Min
27、gione (2002), the simultaneous occurrence of informalization and immigration and the work and social insertion of immigrants is shaping complex socio-cultural environments that are found predominantly in Europe. The new labour market conditions in Europe which are more heterogeneous and unstable, an
28、d the entrepreneurial opportunities based on cultural and communal solidarity resources and on larger and more co-operative families than the small and unstable nuclear families constitute the main differences in the experiences of migrant entrepreneurship between the USA and Europe. Nevertheless, s
29、uch differences do not only exist between the USA and Europe, but also among the European countries. Depending on different migration experiences and different local and regional circumstances, European countries exhibit marked differences in their migrant entrepreneurship experiences. Against this
30、background, the aim of this paper is to investigate and compare various forms of migrant entrepreneurship in European countries in order to identify systematic classes of migrant entrepreneurship and to highlight the key elements of migrant entrepreneurship in Europe. The paper is based on a compara
31、tive evaluation of available quantitative data and qualitative information which is derived from a review of previous studies in the literature. Our quantitative evaluation addresses the European OECD countries, while our qualitative investigation focuses on migrant entrepreneurship experiences of e
32、ight selected European countries. The next section will investigate and compare migrant entrepreneurship in European countries on the basis of available quantitative data and information. Then, section 3 will address migrant entrepreneurship experiences of different European countries and examine mi
33、grant entrepreneurship in different countries on the basis of qualitative information. Section 4 compares and evaluates the various forms of migrant entrepreneurship on the basis of the European countries experiences summarized in section 3 and highlights the determinants of migrant entrepreneurship
34、 in Europe. The last section concludes with some remarks and suggestions for future research. 2. Migrant entrepreneurship in Europe The main feature of economic restructuring in the last decades has been a marked shift from employment in large firms to self-employment in small firms. This trend has
35、been most pronounced among immigrants. The studies focused on migrant entrepreneurship started preponderantly in the USA (Light 1972; Waldinger, Aldrich, and Ward 1990), whereas later studies on this topic also emerged across Western Europe. Recent papers in the rising literature on this issue in Eu
36、rope and the USA include van Delft, Gorter, and Nijkamp (2000); Chaganti and Green (2002); Masurel et al. (2002); Baycan-Levent, Masurel, and Nijkamp (2003, 2006); Fairlie (2004, 2005); and Zhou (2004). These studies addressed the opportunities for and the barriers to ethnic entrepreneurship by iden
37、tifying critical success or performance conditions for migrant entrepreneurs. Structural factors (such as social exclusion and discrimination, poor access to markets and high unemployment) and cultural factors (such as specific values, skills, and cultural features including internal solidarity and
38、loyalty, flexibility, personal motivation, strong work ethics, informal network contacts with people from the same ethnic group, and flexible financing arrangements, etc.) or a blend of these factors (included inter alia in the so-called interaction model formulated by Waldinger, Alldrich, and Ward
39、(1990) that influence the step towards ethnic entrepreneurship, have been examined in these studies. Several studies have demonstrated that the tendency or ability to become selfemployed differs between native people and immigrants (Borjas 1986; Fairlie and Meyer 1996). In general, immigrants are mo
40、re likely to be self-employed than similarly skilled native-born workers, while self-employment rates of immigrants exceed in many countries those of native-born. While assimilation has a positive impact on self-employment probabilities (Borjas 1986), the level of education and time since immigratio
41、n are important determinants of self-employment (Fairlie and Meyer 1996). Since the early 1980s, self-employment among migrant groups has increased significantly in Europe and migrant entrepreneurship has become an important topic in European countries. The booming economy in Europe and the availabl
42、e opportunities in various market niches appear to have led to the emergence of a new breed of migrant entrepreneurs. The migrant groups in Europe as well as the business ownership among these groups are expected to continue to grow. It is generally found that contemporary migrant communities genera
43、te entrepreneurs who are able to contribute more and more to the economic growth and the welfare of the host countries. 译文 欧洲移民的创业特 征 资料来源 : Entrepreneurship Zimmermann 2005）： (1) 40 年代 末期至 50 年代 初期 战后调整、大规模的难民流动和 “ 非殖民化 ” ； (2)50 年代初期 至 1973 年 劳工迁移 ； (3)1974 年到 80 年代中期 限制移民 ； (4)80 年代中期到 21 世纪 寻求庇护
44、者、 难民和非法入境者。 综合报告显示， 包括德国、 瑞士、 奥地利 、比荷卢经济联盟 和法国 等欧洲中心国家与 传统的欧洲劳工移民入境口岸 国家成为移民主要的国家 。 20 世纪 80 年代开始之后的几十年 ，欧洲南部国家 ， 如意大利、希腊、 西班牙、 葡萄牙也 已经成为了移民国家， 接收 来自北非、 巴尔干半岛 、 和地中海东部 的移民，大部分过境的非法移民是由于毗邻这些地区，使他们更易入境的 地理特征（例如海岸线、山区） ，以及这些地区也被视为输送国 （ Lazaridis 和 Poyago-Theotoky 1999 年；国际移民组织 IOM 2000； Cavounidis 200
45、2； Stalker 2002； Zimmermann 2005）。从 经合组织和 欧盟统计局的数据显示 ，德国、 英国和法国是 20 世纪 90 年代最早的移民 国家 ；随着 90 年代末 迁徙到意大利和 21 世纪初迁徙到西班牙移民显著增加，这种格局发生了改变。 根据 近期 发表国际迁移 观察 (组 织经济合作与发展经合组织 OECD 2006)， 在 2004 年， 西班牙 至少接收了 646,000 的移民。从而，西班牙、英国和德国 成为 欧洲最重要的移民国家 。 由于受劳动力需求和低出生率的影响，未来欧洲移民有可能继续增加。 它是可信的在将来向欧盟移民将有可能增加 （根据 Boeri
46、 and Bru cker 推测 (2005)，粗略估计到 2030 年，欧洲累积移民将达到 3000 万）。从 短期和中期 来看，进入欧盟的移民可能来自东欧和新成员国 (NMS)，特别是欧盟东扩之后 。 但是，从长期来看，更多的移民将来自 发展中国家 (Stalker 2002)。因此， 未来的移民流动将更加的多元化。 鉴于其当前大量的移民人口，移民不仅仅是欧洲的一个重要现象，而且从社会经济角度考虑，移民可以有效解决人口老龄化和满足专业技能不断增长的需求。多项研究显示，移民为欧洲带来了很多的益处，有助于经济增长和创造新的就业机会。由于经济增长和创造新的就业机会与区域劳动力流动性密切相关，并且
47、劳工在欧盟流动性相对较低，来自欧盟以外的移民为欧洲创造更多的劳工流动性将发挥至关重要的作用 (Zimmermann 2005)。最近的研究还表明，尽管国际移民可能 通过负面影响本国工人的工资进而干涉当地劳工市场，其实际（负面）影响是非常小的（ Longhi、 Nijkamp 和 Poot 2005）。 Boeri 和 Bru cker(2005)估计，在工资一定的情况下，按照东、西欧之间的生产力差距，占东部人口 3%的移民向西部迁移，可以增加欧盟总产值的 0.5%。 然而，从社会经济角度来看，劳动力市场中移民个体经营的增长是迁徙最显著的影响。许多移民团体的企业行为导致了一种新的现象出现，被称作
48、“移民创业家”或“民族企业家”。 移民企业家在积极化解社会矛盾问题和增加城市人口就业机会上扮 演了重要的角色，同时也成为国家和区域经济的增长驱动力之一，特别是美国和许多欧洲国家（ Borjas 1986， 1990； Barrett， Jones， and McEvoy 1996； Cross 1992； Kloosterman， van der Leun, and Rath 1998 经合组织 2006年 )。事实上，民族参与的个体经营和民族企业家越来越被许多工业化国家视为一支强大的经济力量和解决劳动力市场结构不平衡的参与者。 在欧洲的大量移民群体，以及他们所拥有的业务份额预计将继续增长。一
49、般而言，移民比具有同样熟练 技术的当地工人更有可能进行个体经营，因此在许多国家移民的自营率是超过本国的民众的。不同的移民所衍生出来的包括文化和移民团体及其所居住国家的社会政治环境的经济特征在当前欧洲国家形成了各种各样的移民创业经验。当移民企业内嵌入欧洲的城市经济中之后，欧洲最大的城市获得了更多国际视野并已发展成为动态的多元文化经济。欧洲社会和经济的变革是以国际流动性、多元文化社会的挑战和新形式下的一体化与移民和当地居民之间的紧张关系为特征的。移民所采取各种各样的形式对求职的新兴定位也可以引起传统活动区域扩大的问题，根据 Mingione(2002 年 )，同时发生的信息化与移民和工作与社会中移民的嵌入塑造了复杂的社会文化环境主要在欧洲被发现。新的劳动力市场的情况在欧洲更加的多样化和不稳定，而创业机会基于文化与社会资源的整合，以及更大规模、更多合作的家庭而不是小并且不稳定的核心家庭产生了美国和欧洲之间移民创业经验上的主要区别。 在此背景下，本文的主要目的是调查并比较欧洲各国之间不同形式的移民创业，以鉴别各种类别的移民创业精神，突出显示欧洲移民创业的关键因素。本文是建立在比较评价现在定量数据和定性来源于先前的研究文献中所找到信息的基础上。我们定量 评价的对
